Imperfect

Understanding

英汉对照

不够知己

温源宁　著　江枫　译

外语教学与研究出版社

FOREIGN LANGUAGE TEACHING AND RESEARCH PRESS

北京 BEIJING

Copyright © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press 2012

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press.

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Published by Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

No. 19 Xisanhuan Beilu

Beijing, China 100089

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图书在版编目（CIP）数据

不够知己＝Imperfect Understanding：英汉对照／温源宁著；江枫译．—北京：外语教学与研究出版社，2012. 2

ISBN 978-7-5135-1689-1

Ⅰ．①不…　Ⅱ．①温…②江…　Ⅲ．①英语—汉语—对照读物②文化—名人—生平事迹—中国—现代　Ⅳ．①H319. 4: K

中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字（2012）第016950号

出版人：　蔡剑峰

系列策划：吴　浩

责任编辑：仲志兰　易　璐

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版　　次：2012年3月第1版　2012年3月第1次印刷

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目　录

“博雅双语名家名作”出版说明

编者说明

新版前言

初版译序

NOTE

小启

MR. WU MI (吴宓), A SCHOLAR AND A GENTLEMAN

吴宓先生，学者和君子

MA CHUN-WU (马君武)

马君武

Y. R. CHAO (赵元任)

赵元任

EMPEROR MALGRE LUI

不由自主的皇帝

JOHN C. H. WU (吴经熊)

吴经熊

MISS KAO KYUIN-SAN (高君珊)

高君珊女士

DR. HU SHIH (胡适), A PHILOSOPHE

胡适博士，一位哲人

FENG YU-HSIANG (冯玉祥)

冯玉祥

HSU TSE-MO (徐志摩), A CHILD

徐志摩，一个孩子

THE SYCIP BROTHERS (薛氏兄弟)

薛氏兄弟

CHOU TSO-JEN (周作人): IRON AND GRACE

周作人：铁的优雅

DR. ROBERT LIM (林可胜), A SCIENTIST

林可胜博士，一位科学家

LIANG YU-CH' UN (梁遇春), A CHINESE ELIA

梁遇春，中国的伊利亚

TAN KA KEE (陈嘉庚), MERCHANT AND IDEALIST

陈嘉庚，有理想的商人

DR. Y. T. TSUR (周诒春)

周诒春博士

KU MENG-YU (顾孟余)

顾孟余

GEORGE T. YEH (叶公超)

叶公超

DR. LIM BOON KENG (林文庆)

林文庆医生

DR. LIM BOON KENG, ONCE MORE

林文庆医生之二

MISS HUANG LU-YING (黄庐隐)

黄庐隐女士

MR. JOHN WONG-QUINCEY (王文显)

王文显先生

MR. CHU CHAO-HSIN (朱兆莘)

朱兆莘先生

DR. WELLINGTON KOO (顾维钧)

顾维钧博士

MR. LIANG LONE (梁龙)

梁龙先生

DR. WU LIEN-TEH (伍连德)

伍连德博士

DR. LIU FU (刘复)

刘复博士

WANG TEH-LIN (王德林), "A FIGHTING BULL"

王德林，“武牛”

DR. V. K. TING (丁文江)

丁文江博士

THE LATE MR. KU HUNG-MING (辜鸿铭)

已故的辜鸿铭先生

MR. WU LAI-HSI (吴赉熙)

吴赉熙先生

MR. WU CHIH-HUI (吴稚晖)

吴稚晖先生

MISS KU ZING-WHAI (顾静徽)

顾静徽女士

MR. YANG PING-CH' EN (杨丙辰)

杨丙辰先生

DR. FUNG YU-LANG (冯友兰)

冯友兰博士

LIU TIEH-YUN (刘铁云)

刘铁云

CHANG TAI-YEN (章太炎)

章太炎

MR. TENG H. CHIU (周廷旭)

周廷旭先生

CHEN T' UNG-PE (陈通伯)

陈通伯

SUN DA-YU (孙大雨)

孙大雨

LIANG CHUNG-TAI (梁宗岱)

梁宗岱

HSU SHEH-YU (舒舍予)

舒舍予

MR. EUGANE SHEN (沈有乾)

沈有乾先生

MR. SHENG CHENG (盛成)

盛成先生

LIU HAI-SOU (刘海粟) & LI CHING-HUI (黎锦晖)

刘海粟和黎锦晖

MR. LI SHIH-CH' EN (李石岑)

李石岑先生

MR. S. G. CHENG (程锡庚)

程锡庚先生

注释

附录

温源宁（1899—1984），广东陆丰人。学者，英国剑桥大学法学硕士。历任北京大学西方语言文学系教授兼英文组主任、清华大学西洋文学系教授。曾与林语堂、全增嘏、姚克等合编英文文史月刊《天下》。

代表作有英文人物随笔集《不够知己》，以素描方式、春秋笔法写下对吴宓、胡适、徐志摩、周作人、辜鸿铭、丁文江、吴经熊、冯玉祥等名人的印象记。忆人念事，臧否人物，辛辣别致，“轻快，干脆，尖刻，漂亮中带些顽皮”（钱锺书语）。文章风格出于英国散文大家的传统，“语求雅驯，避流俗，有古典味；意不贫乏而言简，有言外意，味外味”（张中行语）。

江枫（1929—　），原名吴云森，祖籍徽州，生于上海。翻译家，诗人。曾就读于西南联大附中、清华大学外文系和北京大学中文系。1995年，获彩虹翻译终身成就奖。2011年，获中国翻译文化终身成就奖。

“博雅双语名家名作”出版说明

1840年鸦片战争以降，在深重的民族危机面前，中华民族精英“放眼看世界”，向世界寻求古老中国走向现代、走向世界的灵丹妙药，涌现出一大批中国主题的经典著述。我们今天阅读这些中文著述的时候，仍然深为字里行间所蕴藏的缜密的考据、深刻的学理、世界的视野和济世的情怀所感动，但往往会忽略：这些著述最初是用英文写就，我们耳熟能详的中文文本是原初英文文本的译本，这些英文作品在海外学术界和文化界同样享有崇高的声誉。

比如，林语堂的My Country and My People（《吾国与吾民》）以幽默风趣的笔调和睿智流畅的语言，将中国人的道德精神、生活情趣和中国社会文化的方方面面娓娓道来，在美国引起巨大反响——林语堂也以其中国主题系列作品赢得世界文坛的尊重，并获得诺贝尔文学奖的提名。再比如，梁思成在抗战的烽火中写就的英文版《图像中国建筑史》文稿（A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture），经其挚友费慰梅女士（Wilma C. Fairbank）等人多年的奔走和努力，于1984年由麻省理工学院出版社（MIT Press）出版，并获得美国出版联合会颁发的“专业暨学术书籍金奖”。又比如，1939年，费孝通在伦敦政治经济学院的博士论文以Peasant Life in China—A Field Study of Country Life in the Yangtze Valley为名在英国劳特利奇书局（Routledge）出版，后以《江村经济》作为中译本书名——《江村经济》使得靠桑蚕为生的“开弦弓村”获得了世界性的声誉，成为国际社会学界研究中国农村的首选之地。

此外，一些中国主题的经典人文社科作品经海外汉学家和中国学者的如椽译笔，在英语世界也深受读者喜爱。比如，艾恺（Guy S. Alitto）将他1980年用中文访问梁漱溟的《这个世界会好吗——梁漱溟晚年口述》一书译成英文（Has Man a Future? —Dialogues with the Last Confucian），备受海内外读者关注；此类作品还有徐中约英译的梁启超著作《清代学术概论》（Intellectual Trends in the Ch'ing Period）、狄百瑞（W. T. de Bary）英译的黄宗羲著作《明夷待访录》（Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the Prince），等等。

有鉴于此，外语教学与研究出版社推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列。

博雅，乃是该系列的出版立意。博雅教育（Liberal Education）早在古希腊时代就得以提倡，旨在培养具有广博知识和优雅气质的人，提高人文素质，培养健康人格，中国儒家六艺“礼、乐、射、御、书、数”亦有此功用。

双语，乃是该系列的出版形式。英汉双语对照的形式，既同时满足了英语学习者和汉语学习者通过阅读中国主题博雅读物提高英语和汉语能力的需求，又以中英双语思维、构架和写作的形式予后世学人以启迪——维特根斯坦有云：“语言的边界，乃是世界的边界”，诚哉斯言。

名家，乃是该系列的作者群体。涵盖文学、史学、哲学、政治学、经济学、考古学、人类学、建筑学等领域，皆海内外名家一时之选。

名作，乃是该系列的入选标准。系列中的各部作品都是经过时间的积淀、市场的检验和读者的鉴别而呈现的经典，正如卡尔维诺对“经典”的定义：经典并非你正在读的书，而是你正在重读的书。

胡适在《新思潮的意义》（1919年12月1日，《新青年》第7卷第1号）一文中提出了“研究问题、输入学理、整理国故、再造文明”的范式。秉着“记载人类文明、沟通世界文化”的出版理念，我们推出“博雅双语名家名作”系列，既希望能够在中国人创作的和以中国为主题的博雅英文文献领域“整理国故”，亦希望在和平发展、改革开放的新时代为“再造文明”、为“向世界说明中国”略尽绵薄之力。

外语教学与研究出版社

人文社科出版分社

编者说明

一、温源宁的集子Imperfect Understanding及几个译本的说明

The China Critic（《中国评论周报》，1928—1946）1928年5月在上海创刊，是民国时期归国留学生主持的一份英文周刊，在现代思想史、中西文化交流史上占有重要的地位。首任主编是哈佛大学毕业生张歆海，刘大钧、桂中枢也先后担任主编，参与编辑的有潘光旦、全增嘏、林语堂、钱锺书等知名学者。封面上“中国评论周报”的字样由蔡元培题署。

1934年1月，温源宁成为周报撰稿编辑（Contributing Editor）的一员。1月4日，第7卷第1期新开了专栏Unedited Biographies（人物志稿），前三期文章的传主和作者分别为：韩复榘（Yih Chang-mung）、马君武（陈达）、梅兰芳（梅其驹）。第4期传主是吴宓，作者没有署名，实为温源宁。

接下来各期的人物依次是：赵元任、溥仪、吴经熊、高君珊、胡适、冯玉祥、徐志摩、薛氏兄弟、周作人、林可胜、梁遇春、陈嘉庚、周诒春、顾孟余、褚民谊、叶公超。5月24日第21期停了一期，公告说此专栏下周易名。

5月31日第22期起，专栏改名为Intimate Portraits（亲切写真），并标明Edited by Wen Yuan-ning（为温源宁所编），这一期的传主是林文庆；第23期接着刊载了F. T. Wang为林文庆鸣不平的长函。之后的传主依次是：黄庐隐、王文显、凌叔华、朱兆莘、卢作孚、顾维钧、梁龙、伍连德、刘复、王德林、丁文江、辜鸿铭、吴赉熙、吴稚晖、顾静徽、杨丙辰、冯友兰、刘铁云、章太炎、周廷旭、陈通伯、孙大雨、梁宗岱、舒舍予、沈有乾、盛成、刘海粟和黎锦晖、李石岑、程锡庚。此专栏至1934年底结束。

1935年1月，温源宁挑出专栏51篇文章中的17篇结集（传主为吴宓、胡适、徐志摩、周作人、梁遇春、王文显、朱兆莘、顾维钧、丁文江、辜鸿铭、吴赉熙、杨丙辰、周廷旭、陈通伯、梁宗岱、盛成、程锡庚），取名为Imperfect Understanding，交付上海Kelly and Walsh Ltd.（别发洋行）刊行。1935年6月，钱默存（即钱锺书）在《人间世》第29期发表了一篇书评，首译书名为《不够知己》。

1988年12月，岳麓书社出版南星的Imperfect Understanding译本，书名为《一知半解：人物剪影十七幅》。2001年2月，辽宁教育出版社出版陈子善编的《一知半解及其他》，收入南星的17篇译文和温源宁几篇英文评论文章的中译。

2004年1月，岳麓书社出版了江枫的译本，英汉双语对照，收录43篇，添加注释以作背景资料，并附有林语堂的两篇译文。书名作《不够知己》。

二、本书所收篇目、编辑工作的相关说明

本次外研社版的《不够知己》（英汉对照）采用江枫的译本。本书借重温源宁1935年版Imperfect Understanding的书名，但所收篇目已远超出温源宁当年的本子。编者按照所收篇目在《中国评论周报》上的发表时间重新编排次序，并详细注明刊载日期；个别篇目非温源宁所著，亦附有原作者署名，以供读者参阅。在呈现英文篇目完整原貌的同时，经江枫先生惠允，本版对译文作了进一步修订，并补充了部分注释。需要特别提出的是，江枫先生应编者要求特为本版补译的四篇文章（传主为马君武、溥仪、章太炎、舒舍予），是首次与读者见面。

书末收入该专栏另外四篇文章的英文原文（传主为韩复榘、梅兰芳、凌叔华、卢作孚），作者分别为Yih Chang-mung、梅其驹、费鉴照、Chang Hsu-lin，并附有林语堂发表在《人间世》杂志《今人志》专栏的《吴宓》、《胡适之》两篇译文，便于感兴趣的读者参阅。

虽殚精竭虑，亦或有不当之处，盼热心读者批评指正。

新版前言

《不够知己》自2004年在岳麓书社初版以来整整七年，早已售罄，现在，终于能由外语教学与研究出版社重新编排出版，以满足读者的需求。这个版本是初版本的修订本，按照这些篇目当年的发表时间，对次序略微作了一些改动。为了不至把初版责任编辑当作温作一并收入的几篇与温作相混，分别注明了原作者。

但是，不把这几篇抽掉，既是因为这些同类短文，虽非温氏所作、却为温氏所编，并且也都刊在温氏所编专栏；还因为作为译者，我不忍割舍，特别是《王德林》篇，从中看不到尖酸刻薄，却有读之令人神往的幽默。何况，我个人初衷，本不是专为温源宁编译温源宁专集。

至于怎样判断确系温氏所作，除了温氏自己确认的那17篇，就只能是所收各篇，但凡没有足以证明并非温作的证据，均视之为温作。包括《刘铁云》篇，因为温源宁的编者注，只说明材料来源，却不曾说不是温作。

主要的修订，是根据外语教学与研究出版社责任编辑查找所得，补译了初版本的缺失，如《林文庆医生之二》，“为林文庆医生一辩”，由于最初收集材料复印疏忽而发生的漏译部分。新版还增添了几条对于文史知识不足的今日读者或有必要的注释。

不止一位热心的读者为改进译文提供宝贵的意见和建议，如果没有这种善意的帮助，比如说，我就想不出怎样正确理解和翻译Utopia College。但是，当人名涉及真实的历史人物，若无确凿的根据，便不可只凭想当然就轻易断定是与不是，尤其因为涉及褒贬，就只能留以待考。

作为双语对照读物，我注意到初版的英文文本也存在着缺陷和瑕疵，除个别篇章残缺，有些错讹，出乎意料，竟为《中国评论周报》原版文本所固有，而且，还有个别史实，记述有误。我们在这个修订本中都已一一订正，因此，也许可以说，这是一个较好的双语读本，虽然，很可能，犹有待于更进一步改进之处。

我向关心这个译本并为这个译本的改进作出了宝贵贡献的所有学者专家道谢，特别要感谢我的老友著名辞书学家黄鸿森先生。这个版本的修订成功，在极大程度上要归功于他对这本书，从正文到注释，从正误到行文，巨细无遗、细致入微的审读和基于渊博学识的慷慨建议。他的建议，涉及改进了的所有问题。

当然，如果没有外语教学与研究出版社的出版支持，没有吴浩先生及其同事的具体辛勤劳作，无论什么样的改进设想也只能是空想。

谢谢。

2010年12月

关于《不够知己》补遗

最近又收到出版社发来从《中国评论周报》搜得“温源宁文8篇”，但是，其中4篇各有其他作者署名，只有其余4篇未见署名，所以我只补译了这4篇，译是译了，从文风判断，我仍不相信《马君武》、《溥仪》两篇确为温作，因为这位恃才傲物的海归才子自称必不用we，而且所议如对溥仪登基感受之猜度，缺乏才情。而真正的作者，目前还只能存疑待考。

2011年11月29日

又据查考，《马君武》篇作者为C. T.（陈达）。

2011年12月30日

初版译序[*]

《不够知己》是由43篇短文合成的一个集子，这些短文都是一家英文周刊的专栏文章，先后发表在1934年THE CHINA CRITIC（《中国评论周报》）第七卷相应的各期。那一年的前五个月，专栏名称是Unedited Biographies（人物志稿），从6月起便改名Intimate Portraits（亲切写真），所刊文章绝大部分均不署名，只有一篇文末署有两个字母的缩写字头，但是改名后的专栏每期都标明为温源宁所编（Edited by Wen Yuan-ning）。由于温源宁曾把其中17篇抽出来以Imperfect Understanding（《不够知己》）为书名结集出版，大体上可以判断，除了一篇显然来自读者群中，这些文章不论署名不署名，编者也就是作者。因此，我们把这个文集视为温源宁所著Imperfect Understanding（《不够知己》）的足本。

那17篇本的Imperfect Understanding曾被译为《一知半解》出版，以“一知半解”充作一个人物速写集的集名显然不够妥帖，现在这个足本中文版决定用《不够知己》作为书名。不敢掠美，这个书名原是钱锺书为那个英文原版撰写书评时所译。林语堂认为译得“雅切”。而且，因为《吴宓日记》的出版引起了文坛争论和争论各方的广泛引用，此书竟然已经成为“名著”，其中的《吴宓》篇已经成为名篇，于是《不够知己》也就成了定译。

本书作者在上个世纪三四十年代，也曾是文化圈内的一颗明星，但是对于今天的读者，如果不是因为他写过这四十多篇臧否人物的短文，如果这些文章不曾因为直接间接涉及吴宓和钱锺书并因此而在半个多世纪后的中国文坛掀起一场风波，也许已经被人们淡忘。但是，就凭留下了这样一本小书，他也是不该被完全遗忘的。

正如读者翻看目录就会发现的，此书所记四十多人，均非等闲之辈：既有身后流芳的文人学者，也有个别后来认贼作父的祸国殃民之徒。钱锺书在同一篇书评中，既说这些文章是“富有春秋笔法的当代中国名人小传”，又说“本书原是温先生的游戏文章，好比信笔洒出的几朵墨花，当不得《现代中国名人字典》用”。不管我们相信哪一句，至少，作为同代人之间的议论本身便具有某种程度的史料价值，特别是由于颇有一些都是作者朝夕相处的同事，个别人还是他的得意门生，因而被作者称为“Intimate Portraits”（“亲切写真”），哪怕只是他的“一面之词”。

作者温源宁，广东陆丰人，出生于1899年，是一名留英归来的法学博士。1925年任北京大学英文系主任。1927年任清华大学西洋文学系教授和北平大学女子师范学院外国文学系讲师。1928年5月，《中国评论周报》在上海创刊，林语堂为编委之一。1933年，温源宁南迁，也成了《中国评论周报》的编委，这些人物小传就是他这一时期主持专栏的成果。

1935年，英文月刊《天下》在孙科支持下创刊，温源宁任主编，林语堂、吴经熊、全增嘏、姚莘农（克）等任编辑，直到1941年太平洋战事爆发停刊。

1936年12月，多半也是由于孙科的提携，温源宁曾任立法委员。1937年抗日战争爆发后，任中国国民党中央宣传部国际宣传处驻香港办事处主任。1946年11月，当选为“制宪国民大会”代表。1947年6月，任驻希腊大使。1968年退休后定居台湾。1984年元月逝世。

林语堂的一个女儿描写她对温源宁的印象时说：“［他］是英国剑桥大学的留学生，回上海之后，装出的模样，比英国人还像英国人。他穿的是英国绅士的西装，手持拐杖，吃英国式的下午茶，讲英语时学剑桥式的结结巴巴腔调，好像要找到恰到好处的字眼才可发言。”（林太乙：《林语堂传》）

温源宁留给后人的文字，似乎也就是这么四十几篇人物小传了。那些“传主”，谁也不会单凭这些如讥似讽的素描或漫画而永垂不朽或是遗臭万年，却一定能通过他亦庄亦谐的描述在人间多留一份鲜活的音容形象，虽然果真是“当不得《现代中国名人字典》用”的，却可以成为任何一部正传或评传的生动插画。这些个性特征鲜明的文字所记所述，自然浸透了作者的主观色彩，一个踌躇满志的青年才俊放笔为文、幽默人间，当幽默只为了自娱甚或带上了某种哗众取宠倾向时，就很容易沦为刻薄，因此，就有了本书所收之第20篇，那是路见不平者的抗辩。事实上，真正像他笔下的林文庆那样一无是处而能当上一个大学校长的人，是找遍了全世界也难以找得出一个半个的。

当时便引起纠纷的虽不是《吴宓》篇，但是吴宓却已经由于那篇文章（温源宁的原作和林语堂的译文）而感觉受到了伤害，以至到了1937年2月，另一篇译文出现时还引发了他心头的新旧愤懑：“见《逸经》二十四期有倪某重译温源宁所为英文我之小传，而译其题曰‘吴宓：一个学者和绅士’，不曰‘君子人’。译笔亦恶劣。尤可恨者，编者简又文乃赘词曰：‘使吴君见之必欣然，谓生我者父母，知我者源宁也。’呜呼，温源宁一刻薄小人耳！纵多读书，少为正论。况未谙中文，不能读我所作文。而此一篇讥讽嘲笑之文章，竟历久而重译！宓已谢绝尘缘，而攻诋中伤者犹不绝。甚矣，此世之可厌也！”

而他在读到钱锺书的“Mr. Wu Mi & His Poetry”（《论吴宓之诗》）时，又想起了“其前半略同温源宁昔年‘China Critic’（《中国评论周报》）一文，谓宓生性浪漫，而中白璧德师人文道德学说之毒，致束缚拘牵。左右不知所可云云。按此言宓最恨。盖宓服膺白璧德师甚至，以为白师乃今世之苏格拉底、孔子、耶稣、释迦。我得遇白师……此乃吾生最幸之遭遇……至该文后部，则讥诋宓爱彦之往事，指彦为superannuated coquette，而宓为中年无行之文士，以著其可鄙可笑之情形……”

“彦”，毛彦文女士，吴宓深心爱恋、寤寐求之、求之不得的梦中情人也。我还记得1946年在上海考大学时，曾见一家方型小报旧闻新炒，刊载当年毛彦文下嫁熊希龄故事的标题还用了“一树梨花压海棠”的比喻，竟然被指为superannuated coquette，而这几个洋文用大白话翻译过来就成了“年老色衰的风骚娘们”，吴宓读了当然要生气。

可见，尽管“本书原是温先生的游戏文章”（钱锺书语），却由于涉及真实人物的褒贬荣辱，至少是没有一个相关的当事人会把讥讽和嘲笑视为游戏的。今天我们翻译出版，自然也不敢视为游戏。尽管现今的翻译界，特别是以翻译理论家自居的一部分人，很有几位在以教授和“博导”的名义巧立名目、大肆鼓噪，反对忠实而提倡译文的“深化”、“浅化”和“增色”、“减色”，我们却不敢苟同。不自觉的偏离尚且会引发或加剧争吵、造成相关人士的锥心苦恼，有意识地添油加醋或偷工减料后果可想而知。因此，我们的翻译宁愿选择“株守”忠实，尽可能地亦步亦趋紧贴原文以避免歪曲和误解。

并且，为了弥补原作者议人论事之或有偏颇，也是为了便于读者较好地理解七十多年前的人与事，为了使得这些字数不多、典故不少、特别是充满了洋典故的文章变得好读一些，我们还尽可能附加注释以为背景资料。这个版本以英汉对照的方式问世，既是因为译者惟恐译笔或有讹误，可供读者或引用者能以原文为准，当然，也是为了便于有兴趣的读者对照阅读。同时，为了满足部分读者的特殊需要，我们还在书末附录了《吴宓》篇和《胡适》篇的林语堂译文。

而这本小书之所以能够以目前的形式问世，首先要归功于岳麓书社和敬业的刘果硕士费心策划、筹措，我之所以能够有幸参与其事，也是由于岳麓书社和小刘果的热情邀约和耐得心烦，我就借此作出如上交代的机会郑重道谢了。

2003/8/7

注释

*　原载于《不够知己》初版（长沙：岳麓书社，2004年）。

NOTE

These attempts at an imperfect understanding of some people I happen to know are the fruits of idle moments. Their proper place is, of course, the wastepaper basket. But they have given pleasure to some friends; and it is at the latter's instance that they have here been brought together in book form.

I hope where no offence is meant, none will be offended. However, it is just possible that one or two may object to some of the things I have said about them. If so, I beg their pardon.

My thanks are due to Mr. Kwei Chungshu, editor of The China Critic, for his kindness in allowing me to reprint these papers, which first saw the light in the Intimate Portraits column of that journal.

WEN YUAN-NING

SHANGHAI, January, 1935.

小启

有关于我偶然相识、难说深知的一些人士的这些文字，都是我闲来无事遣兴试笔之作，恰当的去处，当然是字纸篓，但是，有些读过的朋友很喜欢，正是由于他们的撺掇，才终于结集出版成书。

我无意冒犯他人，也不希望有任何人会被冒犯。然而，也还是可能会有一位两位对有关于他们的笔墨感到不悦。果如此，就只好请他们原谅了。

我要感谢《中国评论周报》主编桂中枢先生，是由于有了他的慨允，我才得以在这里使用最初全都是发表在该刊《亲切写真》栏内的这些文章。

温源宁

1935年1月于上海

MR. WU MI (吴宓), A SCHOLAR AND A GENTLEMAN

Mr. Wu Mi is like nothing on earth: once seen, never forgotten. There are some people, one has to be introduced to a hundred times, and on the hundredth and one time one has to be introduced again. Their faces are so ordinary: no mannerisms, no "anything," just plain Jack, Tom and Harry. But Mr. Wu's face is worth a fortune: it is peculiar to the point of caricature. A head shaped like a bomb, and just as suggestively explosive, gaunt, wan in colour, with hair threatening to break out all over the face, but always kept well within bounds by a clean shave every morning, rugged, with very prominent cheek-bones and sunken cheeks, and eyes which stare at one like glowing coals—all this set on a neck too long by half; and a thin body, as strong and as little elastic as a rod of steel!

Head always erect, and back straight as a die, Mr. Wu looks dignity itself. He is proud of his scholarship, and his friends are just as proud to find in him one of nature's great gentlemen. Never mean, always eager to do a good turn to everybody, invariably misunderstood by both friends and foes, a little too trustful of other people's goodness and ability, and over-sensitive as regards the outside world's opinions of himself, Mr. Wu is never at peace, either with himself or with the world: if he is not distraught, he is furiously working. A great admirer of Goethe, he is as far from attaining the state of "ohne Hast, ohne Rast," as he who said, "Io fei giubbetto a me delle mie case (I made a gibbet for myself of my own dwelling)," is from ever attaining the state of grace.

Mr. Wu is one of those men, who never know what it is to be young. Actually on the right side of forty, he looks anywhere between thirty and a hundred. Always lenient in his judgment of others, he is Draconically severe on himself. A Confucianist himself, he suggests to us exactly what a Confucian scholar ought to be. Grave, taking life at its own face value and a little too seriously, with a deportment as unbending as it is "correct,"he is yet the least formidable of men.

Mr. Wu is a professor in the Western Literature Department of Tsing Hua University. Besides this, he used, until this year, to edit The Critical Review (学衡) as well as the literary columns of The Ta Kung Pao (大公报).

Mr. Wu is everything that a teacher ought to be, except to be inspiring. Punctual as a clock, he works like a galley-slave at his lectures. Where others would read a quotation out of a book, he would memorise it, however long it might be. He is as orderly as a drill-sergeant in the exposition of any subject, with his "firstly this" and "secondly that." Dull, perhaps; but never pointless. He is not one of those teachers, who talk of everything and say nothing. What he says does mean something: it may be wrong, but at least it is not hot air. He never hedges about any point; he always puts his foot plump on it. In other words, he is never afraid of committing himself to an opinion. On matters of fact, especially of those facts which are to be found in encyclopaedias and books of reference, Mr. Wu is unimpeachable. One can only fairly quarrel with him on matters of taste or of interpretation. In these, Mr. Wu shows his weakness; but it is not a weakness, due to haziness or any failing in sincerity: it is a weakness, inherent in his point of view, which is that of a humanist—a Babbittian humanist, at that. It is a pity Mr. Wu has allowed himself to be lured into Babbittian humanism. As it is, all his views are coloured by it. Ethics and art get woefully mixed up. Often, one is puzzled whether he is delivering himself on a question of literature or of morality.

As an editor, Mr. Wu stands for everything that Dr. Hu Shih is against. The avowed aim of The Critical Review, which Mr. Wu started a few years ago, is to fight the Pai-hua movement, and to strive to maintain the old ways of writing. It is a losing battle, but the effort is heroic. It was no less heroic in Mr. Wu, when he was editing the literary columns of The Ta Kung Pao, to try to interest the literary world of China in the facts of Western Literature, rather than in its frills and trappings. Well, with very few exceptions, practically all the younger writers of China have decided to take the frills and trappings of Western Literature, and to let the facts take care of themselves. Facts, dates, learning: they are so dull and so difficult. What one wants now-a-days is to swim with the current, and to pick up whatever flotsam and jetsam one comes across— Dowson, Baudelaire, Valéry, Virginia Woolf, Aldous Huxley, and so on, ad infinitum. In the contemporary world of Chinese letters, to insinuate clumsily, as Mr. Wu does, that there is some value in studying Homer, Virgil, Dante, and Milton, is to invite derision.

A tragic and lonely figure! What makes Mr. Wu's case still more tragic is his complete misunderstanding of himself. He professes to be an ardent humanist and classicist; but by temperament, he is a romanticist through and through. So sincere, and so truly himself is Mr. Wu, that he allows everybody to see this, except himself! His admiration of Byron is no secret. He has even written a long Chinese poem after the manner of Childe Harold. A contradiction, but one that is perplexing to nobody but himself!

Whenever I think of Mr. Wu, I always think of his tortured smile, of his neat, clean, bare rooms in Tsing Hua, and of the beautiful, wild scene, just outside his curtained windows. It may be just my fancy, but I often think there would be less perplexity in his life, and less torture in his smile, if he would take down all the curtains from his windows, and see more of what is outside his rooms, or better still, abandon himself to the beautiful, wild scene out-of-doors.

[No. 4; Jan. 25, 1934]

吴宓先生^1，学者和君子

吴宓先生，举世无双，见过一次，永生难忘。有些人，需要别人介绍100次，到了第101次，还有必要再经介绍。他们的面貌太平常：没有一点特色，“什么”也没有，只是一副张三李四都可能有的平常相貌。吴先生的相貌却价值连城，怪异得就像一幅漫画。脑袋的形状像颗炸弹，也像炸弹一样随时都有可能爆炸；面容憔悴，脸色苍白，胡须几乎满面丛生，亏得每天早上都刮脸才显得中规中矩；脸上布满皱纹，颧骨高耸，两颊下陷，盯着人的一双眼睛像是烧红了的两粒煤球——这一切全都支撑在比常人长一半的脖颈上，瘦削的躯体活像一根结实、梆硬的钢条。

吴先生永远昂首挺胸，脊背笔直，看上去仿佛就是尊严本身。他以身为学者而自豪，朋友们也都认为他是天生一位了不起的君子而为之骄傲。他从不吝啬，总是想着要给别人以帮助，却总是被朋友也被敌人所误解；对别人的善意和能力过于轻信，对外界有关他的议论又过于敏感。无论是对他自己还是对整个世界，吴先生都不能相安无事。如果他没有心烦意乱，就一定是在发奋著述。他极其崇拜歌德^2，却远未达到歌德所称羡的“不慌不辍”的境界，就像说过“我把自己的住处变成我的绞架”3的人那样永远也达不到天恩眷顾的状态。

吴先生是那种从不知晓什么是年轻的人。他实际才40岁开外，但是只看外表，从30岁到100岁，说他多大都可以。他评价别人总是从宽，对自己却严格到苛刻。他信奉孔夫子的学说，能使人们想到真正的孔门儒生应该如何作为。他端庄严肃，遇事认真而有点过分，有一副“理直”因而“气壮”的架式，却仍然是个最不会令人望而生畏的人。

吴先生目前是清华大学西洋文学系的教授。此外，直到今年为止，他还一直在主编评论性刊物《学衡》4和《大公报》的文学副刊。

作为一般意义上的教师，吴先生无可挑剔，唯一的缺憾是少了一点启迪灵感的魅力。像钟表一样准时的他，讲起课来就像古罗马舰船上的划桨奴隶做工。在别人从书本上读出引文的场合，他宁愿背诵，而不论那段引文究竟有多长。讲解任何问题，他都像军训教官那样“第一这个”、“第二那个”，讲得有条不紊。或许有点枯燥，但是绝不可能言不及义。他不是那种什么都谈而唯独不说自家主张的老师。他言之有物：也可能说错，但是绝不空洞。他从不绕着问题走，总是直奔主题；也就是说，他不害怕为某种意见承担责任。关于事实的问题，特别是在百科全书和工具书中能够查到的事实性问题，吴先生绝对无懈可击。别人只能在有关于趣味或诠释的问题上和他进行某种争论。在这些问题上，吴先生显然有弱点，但不是由于糊涂和不诚实，而是他那种思想观点所固有的，一个人文主义者——而且是一个白璧德^5式人文主义者所固有的弱点。非常可惜，吴先生竟然会被白璧德式的人文主义所吸引而深陷其中。事实上，他所有的观点全都浸染上了这种理论的色彩。糟糕的是，伦理学和艺术被搅混在一起。因此，人们常会感到困惑，不知他是在谈论文学还是在谈论道德。

作为刊物主编，胡适博士所反对的，吴先生全都拥护。几年前吴先生创办《学衡》，公开宣扬的宗旨就是：反对白话文运动，维护传统的写作方式。这是失败的一战，然而却是英勇的一斗。吴先生为《大公报》主持文艺副刊的工作同样英勇，他试图通过这方面的努力来引导中国文学界更多地关注西方文学中的实质，而不是皮毛。是的，除去极少数的例外，几乎中国所有的年轻作家，都已经决定接受西方文学那些华而不实的皮毛，而对其实质不管不顾。史实、日期、知识，都太枯燥，而且太艰涩。如今人们想要的只是随波逐流，顺手捡拾一些无价值的琐碎之物——道森^6、波德莱尔^7、瓦莱里^8、维吉尼亚·伍尔夫^9、奥尔德斯·赫胥黎^10等等。在当代中国文学界，像吴先生那样不得体地暗示研读荷马^11、维吉尔^12、但丁^13和弥尔顿^14也有某种价值，就只能招人嗤笑了。

一个孤独的悲剧角色！尤其可悲的是，吴先生完全不了解自己。他自诩是个热诚的人文主义者和古典主义者；但是从气质上看，他却是个彻头彻尾的浪漫主义者！吴先生真诚，表里如一，他让每一个人都看到了这一点，却只有他自己没看到！他对拜伦^15的崇拜尽人皆知，甚至模仿《恰尔德·哈罗尔德》16的风格写了一首中文长诗。一个矛盾，一个除了他自己谁都不难理解的矛盾！

一想起吴先生，我就总会想起他的苦笑，他在清华那几间精致、整洁而空荡的房间，还有他窗帘外面的美丽野景。也许只是我的痴想，但是我确实时常在想，如果他能拉开所有的窗帘，多看看屋外的景色，最好能投身旷野去享受一下户外景色的美，他的生活中就会少一些困惑，他的笑容里就会少一些苦涩。

［第4期，1934年1月25日］

MA CHUN-WU (马君武)

According to the different versions of Who's Who in China, Chinese leaders are to be had by thousands. But of this number we are certain that none is more interesting than Dr. Ma Chun-wu—interesting in the sense that in him we find not only a co-ordinated development of many talents but also a harmonious combination of Eastern and Western ideals of a true gentleman.

To know Dr. Ma as a man of achievements in the ordinary sense of the word, the reader is referred to any one of the biographical sketches that are found in the various versions of Who's Who in China, English, Chinese, or Japanese. But the following high points may be noted. A native of Kweilin, Kwangsi, he was born in 1881 of poor parents. His father appeared to have died early, and as an orphan of nine, we already found him roving around in Canton and other southern cities, working out a future by and for himself. At times we were told that he had only one or two bananas for meals. But his thirst for knowledge even at this tender age proved even more irresistible than his hunger for food, and soon opportunities were opened to him where he could both study and work. Leaving the details for biographers to work out later, we are for the present satisfied to know that he finally found his way to Japan, the mecca at that time for those who were after new knowledge and revolutionary ideals. After graduating from the Kyoto Imperial University in 1906, winning honour and a degree in agriculture he went to Germany and joined the Technische Hochschule in Berlin where he won the degree of "Doktor Ingenieur" in 1915. Facts like these are certainly uninteresting in these days when college diplomas are to be had by carloads, but it will yet go down in history that Dr. Ma is the very first Chinese to earn degrees in agriculture and engineering, which, by the way, in comparison with other kinds of degrees, are to this day quite rare.

Dr. Ma has been precocious in many ways, and in political life, he has been no exception. Prior to the completion of his engineering course, he was already body and soul in it. He has been a follower and friend of Dr. Sun Yat-sen since his' teens and his early sojourn in Japan had some close connection with this happy relationship. His association with this great leader finally led him in 1911 to be elected representative of his province to Nanking to draft the provisional constitution. We remember having seen the enlarged picture of this group of worthies at Dr. Ma's home in Yanghang, a few miles from Woosung, in which Dr. Ma stood out as the very youngest. Like the provisional constitution which the worthies in the picture had helped to frame, the picture itself, we were once told by Dr. Ma, has been relegated to the realm of history since January 28, 1931. From 1911 onward and up to 1926, Dr. Ma led a very active political life, served the country in a variety of capacities, with official titles which all of us would like to possess if it were possible. Since 1926 when he first took up the presidency of the Kwangsi Government University, he seems to have evinced but little interest in politics. While still no less a follower of Dr. Sun, he has more than once denounced the party and party principles which Dr. Sun founded and formulated, and in no gentle terms.

But Dr. Ma is primarily a scholar. It appears that it was only youthful idealism that led him into politics in those early years. Soon after he had returned from Germany, he began to write and translate scientific works for Chinese students. He also rendered a number of Western classics into Chinese. For him there is no hurried work, for he soon acquired the habit of translating a thousand characters each day, whenever he is not travelling. As a result of this habit to which he still sticks today, he has succeeded in putting forth a great number of volumes the total weight and bulk of which would easily make the ox perspire and more than fill the attic, as the Chinese saying has it (汗牛充栋). A few examples may suffice. Among the translated works, we find Darwin's The Origin of Species and The Descent of Man, J. S. Mill's On Liberty, Spencer's Principles of Sociology, Haeckel's Die Weltratsel, Rousseau's Du Contrat Social, and a number of important works in mathematic, chemistry, mechanics, mineralogy and other technical subjects. He also wrote textbooks on zoology and botany, and compiled a German-Chinese dictionary. He is a lover of literature; among his voluminous writings, there is a collection of his Chinese poems. We recall to have seen a translated version of Wilhelm Tell, also done by his hand. He is a well-known calligrapher; wherever he goes, people flock to him with ink and scrolls, and he complies with ease and pleasure.

While his scholarly and educational achievements appear weighty and formidable, his personal appearance is hardly impressive, certainly not in the sense that we would have inferred from his variegated and fruitful career. Always clad in native cloth, he looks almost rustic. He has a very straightforward temperament and has no patience with those whom he dislikes. His rusticity on the one hand and frankness on the other once conspired to produce the material of a very interesting anecdote. While serving as president of the Great China University, he had the pleasure of sitting together with two other Chinese passengers who conversed in English. He soon grew impatient and interrupted their conversation by asking what was the necessity for two Chinese to tete-a-tete in English, while the native tongue would serve equally well, if not better. What followed may be easily surmised by the reader. The dignity and amour propre of one who was able and modern enough to converse in English would not of course stand for such uncalled advice. A quarrel ensued and was on the point of leading to a fight when other passengers intervened and brought about peace, and it soon transpired that the offending party were really two English instructors in the University, whom Dr. Ma did not know, nor they recognized him as the president, being new in the office at that time.

Dr. Ma is a good dancer and knows the latest styles. He plays majong with a rapid hand, always taking up the new card without consulting the one to be discarded, true to the type of temperament we have just discussed. If he happens to be a loser, he would willingly stay up for the night, even though it is plain that in the end nobody really pays. He lives a very simple life. A lover of nature, in his house in Yanghang he used to be surrounded by all sorts of pets and cultivated plants. Amid a great number of hives he could look up and pick out the queen bee for you. He even cultivated strawberries. When he gave you a feast, he would let you know that all that you were given to eat were the product of the labour that himself and his much devoted wife had spent.

C. T.

[No. 2; Jan. 11, 1934]

马君武^1

根据各种不同版本《中国名人录》之所录统计，中国名人可有数千之众，但是可以肯定，其中最引人关注的莫过于马君武博士——引人关注，是因为他不仅具有均衡发展的多种才能，还体现着东西方有关真君子或真绅士理想的和谐融合。

要了解一个平常意义上的名人马博士，可以查看任何一本中文、英文或是日文《中国名人录》上的生平简介。但是，可以指出如下一些值得注意之处。1881年，他出生在广西桂林一个贫苦家庭。父亲显然死得很早，9岁成为孤儿，就已经漂泊在广州和南方其他一些城市，出卖劳力谋生。据说，有时他每顿只吃一两根香蕉。但是，在这样幼小的年纪，他渴求知识的心愿，甚至比觅食疗饥的欲望，更加难以抗拒。不久，就遇到了既可以学习又能够工作的机会。有些传记作家关心的细节，不妨留待以后研究，暂时，我们知道他终于有办法来到日本也就够了。日本，曾是当年革命理想和新知识寻求者的麦加^2。1906年，毕业于京都帝国大学，获得农业学位后，赴德国，入柏林工业大学，1915年，获得“工学博士”学位。3像这样一些事实，在学位证书可以用车拉的近来这些日子里，是引不起人们关注的，但是仍然值得载入史册，因为马博士是获得农学和工学学位的中国第一人。附带说一句，这种学位，和其他种类的学位相比，至今也不多见。

马博士在许多方面都显得早熟，政治生活也不例外。早在他完成工学的课程以前，他已经身心俱在其中。他从十几岁起就是孙逸仙博士的追随者和朋友，早年逗留日本期间有幸与孙博士建立了某种亲密的关系。和这位伟大领袖的关系导致辛亥革命后他作为广西代表来到南京参与《临时约法》的起草工作。我们还记得曾看到过，这一群要人在离吴淞不远的杨行马博士家中拍的一张放大照片，其中，马博士作为最年轻的一员而显得突出。就像那张照片里的要人们协助制定的《临时约法》一样，马博士告诉我们，自从1931年1月28日以来，那张照片本身，也已经进入历史。从1911年到1926年，马博士度过一段非常活跃的政治生活，以各种不同的身份报效国家，他的那些官衔全都是我们想要的——如果可能的话。从1926年第一次担任省立广西大学校长起，他的表现好像已对政治不感兴趣。虽然依旧是孙博士的信徒，但是，不止一次，他曾以毫不委婉的措辞，谴责孙博士所缔造的党、所制定的方针。

但是，马博士首先是一位学者。早年驱使他投身政治的，好像只是年轻人的理想主义。他自德国归来不久，便开始为学生撰写和翻译科学书籍。他还把不少西方文学典籍翻译成中文。他已经没有什么急事要办，他养成了只要不旅行，每天都要译一千字的习惯。由于直到如今还在坚持的这种习惯，他译著数量之大，就像中国人所说，已经达到汗牛充栋的地步。略举几例就够了。在翻译作品中，有达尔文的《物种原始》和《人的世系》，弥勒约翰^5的《自由原理》、斯宾塞的《社会学原理》、海克尔的《宇宙之谜》，卢梭的《民约论》，以及一大批重要的数学、化学、机械学、矿物学和其他技术学科著作。他还撰写了动物学和植物学的教科书，并且编纂了一部德汉词典。他热爱文学，在他卷帙浩繁的著作中，有一集是他的中文诗。我们还记得看到过《威廉·退而》的一个译本，也出自他的手笔。他还是著名的书法家，无论他走到哪里，都会有成群的人带着笔墨和纸来找他，他总是轻松愉快地满足要求。

尽管他在学术和教育方面取得了显然是重大而令人敬畏的成就，但是从外表是看不出来的，从他色彩缤纷、硕果累累的业绩，很难推想出他会给人的印象。总是一身土布衣服，看上去几乎就是乡下佬。他有非常直率的脾气，对讨厌的人毫无耐心。他那一身土气，加上坦诚的性格，有一次引出了一起趣事。在担任大夏大学校长期间，他曾有幸和两个用英语交谈的乘客同坐一起。很快，他就变得不耐烦而打断他们的谈话，问他们，有什么必要用英语交谈，如果本国语言同样好用，即使不更好用。读者不难想象接下去会发生什么。一个人，如果有点才能而又时髦到能用英语交谈，其自尊和自爱都不会容忍这种不请自来的忠告。随后的争吵发展到就要打起来的时候，别的乘客出面调解，平息了这场纷争。不久，人们得知，令他不快的一方，其实是他那大学的两名英语讲师，马博士并不知道他们，他们也不认识这位校长，因为他到任不久。

马博士是跳舞高手，会跳最新式的舞。他打麻将出手很快，总是不考虑打掉什么牌就摸进新张，完全符合我们刚谈到的那种脾气。如果碰巧他是个输家，他会高高兴兴坚持通宵，即使已经十分明显，最后谁也不会真正付账。他过着一种十分简朴的生活。他喜爱自然，在杨行他的家里，他总是被包围在各种宠物和栽培植物中间。从许许多多蜂箱里，他能够给你把蜂王找出来。他甚至栽培草莓。如果他宴请，他会让你知道请你吃的，全都是他自己和他那位深情相爱的妻子共同劳动的成果。

陈　达

［第2期；1934年1月11日］

Y. R. CHAO (赵元任)

It was Aldous Huxley who said of his great friend D. H. Lawrence that he could do almost everything well. He could sing, dance, talk, cook and make fire better than anyone else; but above all, he could keep silent in company without giving the impression of being sulky. Mr. Chao is like D. H. Lawrence in this respect. The thing which would strike one on meeting him for the first time is that he is unusually uncommunicative and retiring. He is not the sort of person who is always clamouring for public attention. He is quite content to let you do all the talking, while listening to you in a flattering manner as if you were really uttering some very profound truths.

But somehow or other, even when he does or says nothing, one simply feels that here is a man who cannot be overlooked. And so he is indeed! For truth to tell, Mr. Chao is one of the most versatile scholars in China of today. Born in 1892 at Tientsin, Mr. Chao received his early education in Changchow and Nanking. In 1910, he passed the examination for Tsing Hua scholarship to America. He entered Cornell and majored in physics and mathematics, and picked up for himself music, psychology and philosophy. After graduation, he went to Harvard for advanced study of philosophy. From that institution, he got his Ph.D. degree, his thesis being on Continuity, "proving that it was impossible to prove anything and concluding that no universal proposition was true." He went back to Cornell to teach physics in 1919 and after having stayed there a year, he came home and joined the faculty of Tsing Hua College. He was invited to be interpreter for Bertrand Russell during the latter's visit of China on a lecture tour, on account of, to quote himself, "my knowing a score of Chinese dialects" and "knowing some of the queer things that he knows."In 1921, he went to America again to teach Chinese and philosophy at Harvard University. He returned to China in 1925, and since 1929, he has been a research fellow in the Department of Language and History of the National Research Institute (Academia Sinica).

Mr. Chao is much interested in the study of the Chinese language. He has devised a system of alphabetic writing of the Chinese language adequate for scientific, literary and everyday purposes. He has made a set of phonographic records of the National Language, and has compiled a book of Chinese rhymes.

Aside from the above achievements, Mr. Chao has also translated Lewis Carroll's Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass into Chinese. The translations are admirably done, considering how difficult it is to render those masterpieces of English humour into a foreign language.

Mr. Chao's hobby is music. He has in fact composed tunes for many of the poems by Hsu Tse-mo, Hu Shih and others. He has a lot of original ideas about the theory of music and he hopes someday to invent a big fundamental idea (comparable in convenience and simplicity to the two dimensional graphic representation of functions of two variables) by which one can represent time, pitch and a third dimension for different instruments. To quote himself: "The usual notation for a score uses the vertical dimension for two different things in an intolerable mixture. To use solid models of one group of instruments behind another, or different colours for different timbers of instruments would be quite impracticable. I dare say if people could swim freely in three dimensions and draw freely and quickly solid pictures, as do the what-do-you-call-that-fish-which-emits-ink, our thought and expression would be as superior to what it is as this is superior to the ancient literature of knots tied in a one-dimensional string."

Besides his passion for music, Mr. Chao also loves to collect books "and let them lie about me instead of me about them." He is fond of collecting proverbs too, "not for keep sake, but to see what I can do with them." The following are examples of what he has "undone."

1. A friend in debt is a friend you bet.

2. Where there is a swell, there is a sway.

3. Loaf, and the world loafs with you;

Sweep, and you sweep alone.

4. No smoke without fire.

5. Fine leather makes fine boots.

Another of his weaknesses is the collection of seventeen's. This began at a time when he was studying mathematics with a teacher who always used to say: "Take any number, one, two, three, or no matter even if you take seventeen." Since then, he has discovered that quite a number of people take seventeen for their favourite "any number." Once he lifted up the telephone receiver in a hotel in New York and heard the girl announcing herself, "Operator Seventeen!", and he all but answered "Much obliged!"

But above everything else, Mr. Chao likes to collect or rather to concoct nonsensical verse. Here is one done by himself:

I start with once upon a time,

But cannot find a word to rhyme.

And this is just as near the truth,

As Yu is π2.

The last line, he authoritatively states, is pronounced: "As why to the youth is pie to the tooth."

Mr. Chao is in the habit of sending a printed letter to all of his friends about once a year. He calls them "Green Letters," and the average length of each is about 15 closely printed pages. It is from these letters that most of the material in this article is gathered.

[No. 5; Feb. 1, 1934]

赵元任^1

奥尔德斯·赫胥黎在谈到他的朋友劳伦斯^2时曾经说，他几乎做什么都能做得很好。他唱歌、跳舞、谈话、烹饪、生火，比任何人都做得更好。尤为突出的是，他能和朋友们在一起时默不作声，却并不给人以沉闷的印象。在这方面，赵先生很像劳伦斯。和他初次见面就会给人留下深刻印象的，是他的沉默寡言和腼腆孤僻。他不属于总是设法引起公众注意的那类人。他会让你一个人把所有的话全都说尽，自己则讨人欢喜地从旁认真谛听，就仿佛你确实是在谈论某些高深的道理。

但是不知为什么，即使他什么也不说、什么也不做，人们也会感觉到，这里有一个不能忽视其存在的人。确实如此！说实话，赵先生是今日中国最多才多艺的学者之一。赵先生1892年出生于天津，在常州和南京接受了早期教育。1910年，他考取清华的留美公费，进入康奈尔大学，主修物理和数学，选修音乐、心理学和哲学。毕业后，又入哈佛进修哲学，并在那里获得他的博士学位。他的学位论文论述了“连续性”，“证明了，什么也证明不了；结论是，没有一种全称命题为真”。1919年，他回康奈尔大学讲授物理学，一年后回国，任教于清华学校。罗素^3访华作巡回演讲时，他应邀担任翻译，用他自己的话来说，是由于“我懂得20种方言，还懂得他所懂的一些古怪的东西”。1921年，他再度赴美，在哈佛大学讲授汉语和哲学。他1925年回国，自1929年起任中央研究院历史语言研究所的研究员。

赵先生对研究中国语言很有兴趣。他设计出了一种书写汉语的拼音系统，既适用于科学、文学，也适用于日常生活。他已经灌制了一套国语唱片，还编写了一部汉语韵书。

除了上述成就，赵先生还把刘易斯·卡罗尔^4的《阿丽思漫游奇境记》和《镜中世界》译成了中文，翻译得非常出色，要知道，把一部英语的幽默杰作译成外国文字该有多难。

赵先生酷爱音乐。事实上，他给徐志摩、胡适等人的好些诗作都配过曲。在音乐理论方面，他也有不少独到的见解，希望有一天能够发明一种极有价值的基本方法（就像使用二维图形表示二元函数一样方便和简单），可用以标记节拍、表示音高和代表不同乐器这三个维度。用他自己的话来说，“标记总谱时，通常的方法是使用垂直的维度来标记过分复杂的混音中两个不同的音。使用一组乐器在前、另一组在后的立体模型，或是使用不同的颜色来标记不同乐器的不同音色，都是很不现实的。我敢说，要是人能够像喷吐墨汁的乌贼那样在三度空间里自由地游泳，自由而快捷地绘制立体图画，我们的想法和表达方式就会比现在这样的优越，就像现在的想法和表达方式要比远古单一维度的结绳记事性文献优越一样”。

除了对音乐的偏爱，赵先生还喜欢藏书，“让书围着我，别让我围着书”。他还喜欢收集格言和箴言，“并不是为了收藏，而是想要看看我能对它们做些什么”。以下几条就是被他“解决”了的：

1．欠债的朋友是你下注信得过的朋友。

2．有隆起必有凹陷。

3．分食，举世皆愿与你分食；

独吞，只能孤家寡人独吞。

4．无火不冒烟。

5．好皮子，做出好靴子。

他的另一个癖好是收集“17”。这种癖好是从他上一位老师的数学课时开始的。这位老师常说：“取任意一个数，不论是1、2、3，甚或是17。”从那个时候起，他发现不少人都喜欢把17当作他们喜欢的“任意数”。有一次在纽约一家旅馆，他拿起电话听筒，听到一个姑娘的声音只是自报了一声“17号接线员！”，他几乎就要说“非常感谢！”

而超过其他一切的，是他喜好收集和编写打油诗。以下这首打油诗是他自己的大作：

I start with once upon a time,

But cannot find a word to rhyme.

And this is just as near the truth,

As Yu is π2.5

其中最后一行，根据他的权威性说明，应该这样读：“As why to the youth is pie to the tooth.”

赵先生习惯于每年给所有的朋友寄一封打印好的信件，他称那些信件为“绿色信件”。每封信的长短平均为排印得很密的15页信纸。这篇短文里的极大部分材料，便来源于那些信件。

［第5期，1934年2月1日］

EMPEROR MALGRE LUI^1

In the long history of mankind there have been many commoners made emperors; there have been many emperors forced to abdicate the throne; there have also been some exiled emperors who made a successful struggle back to the throne, as, in the case of Napoleon I. But there have been few, if any, instances where a man was made emperor three times without knowing why and apparently without relishing it. Believe it or not, Mr. Henry Puyi holds the world's record in the number of times that any mortal may ascend and abdicate the throne—that is, after March 1 when he will be crowned for the third time.

Yes, Henry was born lucky—if being an emperor as he was can be considered as such. At the age of four, his late uncle Emperor Kwang Hsu died and as he left no offspring, Empress Dowager Tsu Hsi picked Henry as the nearest of kin to be the successor. So, in 1909 when he was a mere infant, Henry was ceremoniously enthroned and was supposed to reign under the title of Hsuan Tung. History does not record how he liked his coronation, but we can easily imagine how a kid of four years old would react when he is forced to leave his bed at four or five o'clock in the morning, to keep quiet on the throne and to watch kowtowing all round. Henry must have forgotten his experience at coronation, otherwise he could have told us how out of curiosity and devilry he tried to snatch the crown jewels from his own head only to be put back again by the Empress who was sitting with him. He must have wished to give up everything—crown, throne, and all—to be able to come down to have a grand tussle with some of his subjects that kept on kowtowing to him.

Whatever it was, it proved to be an unholy thought for a baby emperor and inauspicious for such an occasion, for after only three years of this grand ceremony, the revolution broke out and Yuan Shih-kai whom the Manchus trusted with the task of suppression of the revolution double-crossed his erstwhile masters and suggested abdication. What could the Manchus do against a man who was backed up to the limit by his henchmen who held important positions in the army? Accordingly, in 1912, the boy emperor was made to resign for the benefit of the country. But here again, the luck of the boy carried him through, for instead of having to submit to an ignominious fate and live in retirement as most emperors under similar circumstance would have to do, Henry was allowed to keep the palace and an enormous annuity of 4,000,000. He had lost his empire and all that it would bring, that is true; but for practical purpose, he was just as comfortably off and could command just as much respect inside the premises of the palace as he ever could. Then, on grand occasions, like new year, birthday, etc., some of his former subjects would come to kowtow to him just as they did formerly.

However, his retirement did not last long. And if he did not appreciate the first coronation, at least he should the second occasion in 1917 when, after the successful coup d'etat by his faithful subject, the late notorious General Chang Hsun, he was again put on the throne. Henry was by this time eleven years old and certainly would have enjoyed seeing so many people fussing over him and paying respect to him. But the sin of his ancestors was evidently too much for him, for in about a week's time, Marshal Tuan Chi-jui's army surrounded Peking and Henry was again forced to abdicate and retire to the palace.

Because of this experience and other reasons, he was chased out of the palace in 1924, when Marshal Feng Yu-hsiang came into power, and he had to seek refuge in the Japanese Concession in Tientsin. It was during this period that Henry enjoyed a little of the life of a normal man. He was now married—to two wives too. He studied English under Dr. Johnston from whom he got his foreign name, Henry, and it was undoubtedly due to this Englishman that he obtained his occasional favorable press comments in English and American journals. He was learning some manly sports, tennis, golf and what not. It was also during this time that his second wife sought to leave him and Henry had to pay her ￥50,000 for alimony in order to keep the matter out of court. Henry is probably the first emperor that has to do that. Usually when an emperor was dissatisfied with his wife, he just cut her head off or had her strangled. However, in spite of desertion and scandal, this was undoubtedly the happiest period in his life. The payment of his annuity had long since stopped, it is true; but he was never in want. Many of his former subjects were still rich and ready to help. Besides he had at his disposal a great amount of palace treasures that he had secreted out with him when fleeing from Peking. Under the circumstances, Henry would have been quite satisfied if he were to be left alone to pass his life in quietude.

But evidently the sin of his ancestor was again working against him, when lo, all of a sudden there came the Japanese coup at Mukden on September 18, 1931, and he was spirited away from Tientsin and the next thing we heard of him was that he was chosen to be the head of the puppet state established by the Japanese in Manchuria. Report has it that Henry is not comfortable in his new surroundings and wishes that he could be restored the liberty and freedom that he enjoyed before. But regardless of his intentions, the Japanese are not yet through with him. They are going to make him "emperor" once again. The future of the young man is very hard to tell. But those who realize that he is merely a victim of circumstance, in spite of the injustices that his ancestors did to the country, wish him well. May he outlive his usefulness.

[No. 6; Feb. 8, 1934]

不由自主的皇帝

在人类漫长的历史进程中，有不少平民被黄袍加身，有不少皇帝被迫退位；也有一些被流放的皇帝复辟成功，如拿破仑一世。但是，还没有人——如果有也很少——曾被三次尊奉为皇帝而不知其所以然，并且显然不觉得是一种享受。信不信由你，溥仪先生^2（英文名亨利），在一个活人登基和退位的次数上，将会是世界纪录的保持者——那是说3月1日以后，他将在那一天被第三次加冕。

是的，溥仪生而有幸——如果当他当过的那种皇帝能被看作幸运的话。4岁，他伯父光绪死去，由于没有子嗣，慈禧太后便把最近的亲属溥仪选为继位人。于是，1909年，只是一个幼儿的溥仪，就行礼如仪登基，以宣统的名义“统治”国家。历史并没有记录他是否喜欢他的登基大典，但是人们可以很容易想象，一个4岁大的孩子，凌晨四五点，被迫离开他的被窝，默不作声地坐在金龙宝座上，看着四周围人人都在向他叩头。溥仪一定已经忘记他对那场大典的体验，否则就能告诉我们，他是怎样出于好奇和恶作剧，试图把皇冠珠宝从自己头上拽下，却只能是被坐在身旁的皇太后重新放回原处。3他一定希望放弃一切——皇冠、御座，和一切——以便从座位上跑下来，和几个不断对他叩头的臣民尽情扭斗一番。4

无论如何，事实证明，对于一个娃娃皇帝，这是一种大不敬的思想，对于这种场合，则预示不祥，因为这场大典举行仅三年，革命爆发了，被清廷委以镇压革命重任的袁世凯，出卖了往日的主子，建议退位。面对有着掌握重兵的党羽全力支持的这样一个人物，清廷能有什么作为？因而，1912年，这个孩子皇帝就被迫而退位以有利于国家了。但是，这时又是这孩子的幸运帮他渡过难关，不必像多数皇帝在类似局面下无可奈何地听凭耻辱命运的摆布，溥仪得以保有他的皇宫，并且获得每年400万两白银的一笔数额巨大的年金。不错，他失去了他的帝国和帝国可能带来的一切，但是，实际上在皇宫之内，他仍可过得同样舒适，享有同样多的尊敬，无异以往。之后，在诸如新年、诞辰之类重大节庆日，他有些往日的臣下还会前来向他叩头，一如既往。

然而，这样一种引退，为时不久。如果他曾经不喜欢第一次登基大典，至少，他应该会喜欢1917年的第二次，在忠于他的旧臣、那位臭名昭著的张勋将军政变成功之后，他又一次被拥上金龙宝座。这时的溥仪11岁，看到那么许多人异乎常情地关心他、向他表示敬意，一定十分开心。但是他祖先的罪孽对他来说是过分深重了一点，大约过了一个星期^5，段祺瑞将军的军队就包围了北京，溥仪不得不又一次退位而回到宫墙之内。

由于这一次的经历和其他一些原因，1924年，冯玉祥将军掌握大权，他被赶出了皇宫，而不得不到天津日租界去寻求庇护。正是这一时期，溥仪过上了一小段常人生活。他这时也已结婚，娶了两个妻子。他在庄士敦博士教诲下学习英文，老师给他取了个洋名亨利。无疑，是由于这位英国洋人的关系，英美报刊上偶尔会有一些有利于他的新闻评议。他还学着打网球、高尔夫球之类适合男人的运动。也是这一时期，他第二个妻子谋求离异，溥仪不得不付给她一笔5万元的赡养费，以达成庭外和解。溥仪多半是第一个不得不这样做的皇帝。通常，一个皇帝对妻子感到不满了，不是砍掉她的脑袋，就是让她被绞死。然而，尽管出现了背弃和丑闻，这仍然是他一生最快乐的时期。不错，年金支取早已停止，但是他从不缺钱。他的许多故旧臣下仍然富有，随时都乐于资助。而且，他还有大量宫廷财宝可供支配，那是他逃离北京时偷带出来的。在当时的环境下，他会十分满意，如果，能够让他平静度过余生。

但是，显然是他祖先的罪孽又一次作祟，瞧，1931年9月18日，日本人突然在沈阳发动事变，他被秘密带离天津。我们听到他的第二条消息，说他被选中，充当日本人在满洲建立的傀儡政权头目。有报道说，溥仪对他新的处境感到不舒服，希望恢复他以往享有的权利和自由。但是，日本人毫不顾忌他的意愿，还是要把他又一次立为“皇帝”。这个年轻人的前途难测。但是，不管他的祖先对这个国家做过些什么，了解他不过是环境牺牲品的人们，仍然希望他好好活着。但愿他能够活到可利用的价值用尽之后。

［第6期；1934年2月8日］

JOHN C. H. WU (吴经熊)

John C. H. Wu, or Wu Ching-hsiung, is a name that is familiar to people of widely different descriptions. The Ningpo merchant in Shanghai recognises in him the son of a late business leader in Ningpo, a son who has distinguished himself in fields of learning entirely beyond the comprehension or dream of his own father or of those Ningpoese whose names are associated with steamship companies or piecegoods firms. The informed foreigner in Shanghai remembers him as a former Court president and judge noted for tempering the high austerity of the bench with the winning graces of a literary humourist. His friends, however, see in him a many-sided personality brimful of youthful enthusiasm, whose good qualities are seen to the best advantage when put side by side with his weaknesses.

As a jurist of international reputation, Wu is no mere jurist in the ordinary sense of the word. If you ask him about a common legal phenomenon in Shanghai, that is, what is the punishment for a person convicted of a charge of seduction preferred by a dancing girl, very likely he will tell you that he does not recall the precise penalty imposed by the Criminal Code, or that he does not know if it is a crime expressly provided for in the Code. He will promise you to study the case, and pending his being briefed up, will lecture to you on the psychological and sociological issues involved, citing Goethe, Whitman, and Oscar Wilde. The drudgery of looking up the law, he will leave to some of his underlings who can best utilise their talents in digging up the relevant articles in the Code and marshalling the facts in a way to await the application of the Code provision. Wu is always proud to say that he sees the function of law in society sub specie eternitatis, that is to say, in terms of eternity, or as an eternal problem. It might appear a little difficult to see how, with this mental make-up, Wu could have tackled successfully, as he did, such problems as extraterritoriality and the status of the Shanghai International Settlement, both problems being the essence of his work first in his capacity as Acting President of the Provisional Court at Shanghai and later in connection with his advisership on municipal affairs to the Shanghai Municipal Council. This is a lingering doubt in the minds not only of the public but of some of his friends. To many, also, his playful humour is such a contrast to the seriousness of the sort of work he undertakes, for instance, the drafting of a constitution that purports to put an end to the political insecurity in our country. And when his draft constitution was criticised in good or bad faith, by his friends and his enemies, many attribute his "failure" as a constitution-maker to too much philosophising or lack of interest in political realities.

Wu was not, however, blind to the momentous character of his work. He took into account possibly more political realities than his critics had envisaged. Nevertheless, he considers the distinction between ideals and realities quite a shadowy one. The conventional distinction, when seen in the perspective of history, must fail as soon as it is pitted against the environment of the time. Dogmas in political science and law have to be shattered in order to make room for the best contributions of the age. No less unsatisfying than a constitution that pleases the reigning potentates is one that caters to the taste of scholars whose knowledge about constitutions does not go beyond Bagehot's beautiful essay or the learned treatise in our own language by the present minister of education. Wu's constitution will possibly be known as a piece of art where ideals bear indistinguishably upon the periphery of realities, but is this not true also of the best artistic productions of which we are proud?

Praise him or condemn him as we might, constitution drafting occupies a small place in the purview of Wu's interests. But the pity of it is that even his friends take this as the yardstick to measure his success. The true personality of Wu is not well-understood. He takes delight, indeed, in worldly honours. A secret joy always overtakes him as he recalls that, a young man in his thirties, he was judge of a court, lecturer at a famous American law school and is president of a law school of no mean reputation and has been entrusted with the drafting of the Chinese constitution. At heart, he is, however, a "sad laughing man," like his old friend, Justice Holmes. He regrets that he has been prevented by opportunities, or rather the lack of them, in China from making the best contribution to legal thought of which he is capable. When he was told that his admirers in America thought he had anticipated in his writings many of the thoughts of the most brilliant "realists" of the day in legal philosophy, such as Jerome Frank and Karl Llewelyn, he almost dropped tears.

From feelings of vanity he is indeed not free. Is he not a believer in the classic as well as realistic definition of vanity given by Justice Holmes: "Vanity is the most philosophical of those feelings that we are taught to despise. For vanity recognises that if a man is in the minority of one we lock him up and therefore longs for an assurance from others that one's work has not been in vain"? And has not Gladstone described, with similar truth, vanity as "a defect rather than a vice; never admitted into the septenary catalogue of the mortal sins of Dante and the Church; often lodged by the side of high and strict virtue, often allied with an amiable and playful innocence; a token of imperfection, a deduction from greatness and no more"?

[No. 7; Feb. 15, 1934]

吴经熊^1

John C. H. Wu，或吴经熊，在一些各不相干、完全不同的社会群体中，是一个广为人知的名字。上海的宁波商人会知道他是宁波一位已故商界领袖的儿子，这个儿子已经成了一名声誉卓著的学者，他所熟知的那些学科，是他自己的父亲和那些在轮船公司及布匹行业有名有姓的宁波人所无法理解的。上海见多识广的外国人会记得，他曾经是地方法院的庭长和法官，以擅长用幽默文学作家的动人魅力来缓和法庭高度严肃的气氛而闻名。不过，他的朋友看到的是他充满青春、热情洋溢的多面人格，他的优点与弱点放在一起时会显得更加突出。

作为一名享有国际声誉的法学家，吴经熊并不只是通常意义上的法学家。如果你问到上海一种常见的法律现象——有人由于被舞女指控诱奸而罪名成立，应该受到怎样的惩罚，他很可能会告诉你，他记不清楚刑法典上准确的惩罚规定，或者不知道这是不是法典上确有明文规定的一种罪行。他会答应你研究一下这个问题，而在掌握相关信息之前，他会引述歌德、惠特曼^2和王尔德^3的诗句或言论向你讲解其中牵涉到的心理学和社会学问题。查看法律条文之类枯燥的工作，他会留给下属去做，最有效地利用他们的才能到法典中去发掘相关的条款，并把事实梳理一番以备应用法典条文。吴经熊经常自豪地说，他总是以永恒的观点看待法律的社会作用，也就是说，这是一个永恒的问题。也许有点难以理解的是，具有这样一种精神气质的他，居然成功地处理了诸如治外法权和上海公共租界的地位这样的问题。解决这两个问题，对于先是作为上海临时裁判厅厅长、后来又成为上海市工部局市政顾问的他，是最主要的工作。这不仅是公众也是他某些朋友的心头挥之不去的一个疑问。而且，在许多人看来，他喜爱说笑的脾气和他从事的严肃工作（例如，草拟一部旨在结束我国政治混乱的宪法），在性质上格格不入。当他的宪法草案受到友人和敌人善意或恶意的批评时，许多人都把他作为宪法起草人的失败，归咎于空泛的议论太多或者对政治现实缺乏兴趣。

其实，吴经熊对自己工作的重要性质并非不知。他对政治现实的考虑很可能要比批评他的人们所设想的更多。尽管如此，他仍然认为理想和现实之间的区别十分模糊。从历史的角度看来，只要和当时的环境稍一较量，传统的区别便难以成立了。政治学和法律中的一些教条就必须被打破，以便为时代的最佳贡献让出空间。和一部取悦统治者的宪法一样难以令人满意的，是一部迎合学者口味的宪法，而这些学者有关宪法的涉猎超不过白哲特^4漂亮的文章或是现任教育部长用汉语写作的学术论文。吴经熊的宪法很可能被当作一件艺术品，理想和现实的表面逼近得难以分辨——我们引以为豪的艺术珍品难道不也是这样？

我们可以赞扬他，也可以批评他，但是宪法起草在他兴趣广泛的活动中只占一小部分。可惜的是，连他的朋友也以此作为衡量他成就的尺码。吴经熊的真实个性并不为人们充分理解，不过他实在是喜欢世俗荣誉。每当想起他三十来岁就当上了法官和一家著名的美国所办大学^5法学院讲师，到如今已是这所响当当的法学院的院长，并且被委以起草中国宪法的重任，他就会暗自欣喜。但是在他的内心深处，他是一个“苦笑的人”，正如他的老朋友霍姆斯法官^6一样。他为自己未能有机会在中国在他本来可能有所建树的法学思想方面作出最佳贡献而深感遗憾。有人对他说，他在美国的仰慕者认为，在他的著作里早就提出了最出色的法理学“现实主义者”杰尔姆·弗兰克和卡尔·卢埃林之流的许多想法，他听了几乎要流下眼泪。

他确实未能摆脱虚荣的情绪。难道他不相信霍姆斯法官对虚荣所下的经典而实在的定义：“虚荣，在我们被教育应该鄙视的所有情绪中，是最有哲学意味的一种。因为虚荣承认，如果一个人处于孤独的少数地位而受到人们的歧视，就会期望别人对他工作并非徒劳有所确认”？难道格莱斯顿^7不也曾同样正确地说过：虚荣是“一种缺点而不是罪过，从来也不曾被开列在但丁或是基督教会七宗重大罪过的清单之内，倒常常被安排在崇高严谨的美德一边，常与友善顽皮的天真结盟，是不完美的一种标志，是伟大因之减色的亏欠，不过如此而已”？

［第7期，1934年2月15日］

MISS KAO KYUIN-SAN (高君珊)

I remember distinctly that night in a very cosy, though small, attic room on South Division Street. Ann Arbor was at its gayest when Freshmen came to taste the life of a university, Sophomores to grow into upper classmen and be wiser, and Juniors and Seniors to graduate and be married. So Kyuin-san crossed the Pacific for the second time to join the University of Michigan as a fellow in education. But that was nothing unusual—so many Chinese have been fellows before. The important factor was that I met her in that little attic room. Outside, there was lightning and thunder, and rain poured out of a pale September sky. There were three of us: a graduate scholar in Physics, Kyuin-san and I. We were sitting beside a desk which was much too large for the room, the Physics scholar in an armchair too big for her size, Kyuin-san occupying the seat in front of the desk, and I on a stool. With this incongruous immenseness around us, we talked about problems too immense for our comprehension and felt how little we were. Kyuin-san was telling us about the great fire in Shanghai, the cause of which one could only guess at but never make known. She told us of the poverty and sufferings of our people back home. At this, in the innocent idealism of our college days, the Physics scholar and I made a vow that we would "serve," and "sacrifice" for, our country when we came back. It thundered more, rained more. The night was growing into dawn, and the stillness of the little attic room set our hearts afire. We looked into Kyuin-san's face with almost childlike simplicity and beheld wonders in it. But our idealism faded into nothingness. The Physics scholar is now burying herself in a research laboratory; Kyuin-san still sticks to her education; and I—never mind about me.

But the idealism is not totally lost, at least not with Kyuin-san. It is not because she is a Professor of Education at Yenching University and therefore is an educator of man; but rather she educates herself. She is the symbol of both old and new. All that of the old culture and literature which the modern women lack lies in her; and yet many of the new fads and fashions which they indulge in she does not adopt. But she is not prim and biased and prejudiced. She has humour and can take a joke. A friend once said to her good-naturedly: "You looked saintly years ago, but now you are touchable."

If I were to draw a caricature of her, I would have her holding a baby in one hand, and a magazine, preferably the Life Weekly, now defunct, in the other. If I could possibly add a third without being misunderstood to be insulting, I would have that hand hold a pen and a postcard. On it she should write 文章虽好，性命要紧 ( "It is fun to write, but life is just as precious"). This was a little piece of advice which she gave to Hu Shih when she left for America in 1929, the two being very good friends. Evidently the advice proved very useful and was well taken.

Did I not say a baby? Well, this is the consummation of her humour. She adopted one. And I dare say no real mother ever loves and cares for her baby better than she does. In fact she does too much. Her room is a nursery, and her Peiping quarter will soon, I am afraid, be a kindergarten! Once Kyuin-san took her child to see a friend of hers. The child asked on the way, "Will auntie give me candy?" The auntie, whose mind was, perhaps, more on other things than on children, gave her none. Thereupon the "mother" bought her some instead. A sneeze from the baby means a trip to the doctor's; her teething trouble means a dentist's bill. Magazines, periodicals and books on education will gladly give place to "bow to take care of infants" if the baby cries.

Indeed, Kyuin-san is happy, for she has found her true vocation as the "mother" of an adopted child.

[No. 8; Feb. 22, 1934]

高君珊女士^1

我还记得非常清楚，那天夜晚，在安阿伯^2南区大街一间非常舒适的顶楼小房间里，那是安阿伯最欢快的时节，一年级的新生前来体验大学生活的滋味，二年级的大学生就要升级而增长智慧，三年级、四年级的大学生将要毕业、谈婚论嫁。就是在此时节，君珊第二次横渡太平洋，来到密歇根大学做攻读教育学的研究生。但是，这没有什么不寻常的——毕竟，早已经有了不少的中国研究生。重要的是，我在那间顶楼小房间里遇到了她。房间外边，灰蒙蒙的九月天空，电闪雷鸣，大雨滂沱。当时，同在一起的有我们三个：一个物理学的毕业生、君珊和我。我们坐在一张对于整个房间来说显得过大的办公桌旁：物理学家坐在对她来说显得过大的扶手椅上，君珊占据着办公桌前的位子，我坐在一只凳子上。围坐在这张比例尺度不协调的大桌子周围，我们谈论着难以理解的问题，感觉到自己那么渺小。君珊告诉我们有关上海火灾^3的情况，但是，起火的原因只能凭猜测，永远不会有人公布。她告诉我们国内人民的贫困和苦难。说到这儿，在那天真的大学理想主义时代，我和物理学家都宣誓，将来回去一定要“报效”我们的国家，甚至不惜为国“牺牲”。外面的雷打了又打，雨下了又下。黑夜逐渐转化成为黎明，顶楼小屋的寂静使我们的内心热血沸腾。我们凝视着君珊几乎像孩子般单纯的面孔，看到了理想成真的奇迹。但是，我们的理想主义已经消失得无影无踪。那位物理学家，现在正在一家研究室内埋头工作；君珊，还在坚持她的教育；而我——不必介意我在做些什么。

但是，理想主义并没有完全丢失，至少就君珊的情况来说是这样，并非因为她是燕京大学的教育学教授而成了教育人的教育家，而在于她对自己进行的教育。她既是旧的也是新的象征。所有和旧文化、旧文学相关而为现代女性所缺乏的，在她身上都有；而她们所热衷的大部分时髦和风尚，她却不接受。但是她也并不故作正经、抱持成见或偏见。她有幽默感，也开得起玩笑。一个朋友有一次和善地对她说，“几年前你看上去像个圣徒，但是现在，你已经能‘触摸到’了。”

如果我给她画一幅漫画，我会让她一手抱着婴儿，另一只手拿本杂志，最好是现在已经停刊的《生活周刊》。如果我可以画第三只手而不被误解为侮辱的话，我要让那只手拿着钢笔和明信片，卡片上写下的是“文章虽好，性命要紧”的字样。这是她1929年出国赴美时留给胡适的忠告，他俩是非常要好的朋友。显然，这则忠告非常有用，也被愉快地采纳了。

我刚才提到婴儿了吧？不错，这是她好性情的完美表现，她领养了一个孩子。我敢说，没有一个真正的妈妈对孩子的爱护能够和她相比。事实上，她关爱得有点过分。她的房间成了育儿室，我担心，她在北平的住宅很快就会变成一个幼儿园！有一次，君珊带着她的孩子去看朋友。孩子在路上问：“阿姨会给糖我吃吗？”那位阿姨也许心里正想着别的事情，没顾得上孩子，没有给她糖果。因此，“妈妈”便自己买了一些给孩子吃。孩子打个喷嚏，她就要带着去看大夫；孩子出牙期有问题，就意味着牙医有进账了。孩子一哭，有关教育的杂志、期刊和书籍，全都会乖乖地让位，让她“躬身去照顾孩子”。

实际上，君珊是幸福的，因为她找到了真正的职业，那就是作为领养孩子的“妈妈”。

［第8期，1934年2月22日］

DR. HU SHIH (胡适), A PHILOSOPHE

To a few, Dr. Hu Shih is either a good enemy or a very good friend. To the rest, he is a big brother (老大哥). All own him to be affable and charming—even his worst foes. He knows all the graces of a gallant, without himself being a gallant. In all those little, but indispensable, "airy nothings" which endear a man to society, especially to the company of ladies, Dr. Hu is an adept. He has the happy knack of making everybody feel at home in his company. The proud are flattered by his attentions; and nincompoops feel important by his treatment of them as his equals. In the best sense of the word, Dr. Hu is a democrat: he has not a touch of either social or intellectual snobbishness.

Dr. Hu keeps open house on Sundays. Nobody then is refused entrance to his house. With everyone, whether student or communist or businessman or robber, he is equally patient in hearing as in speaking. Those in distress, he helps. For those who want jobs, he writes letters of introduction. Some who seek enlightenment on points of scholarship, he tries to the best of his ability to satisfy. Others who just go to say "How do you do?", he entertains by odds and ends of news. All go away from his house with a sense of time well spent.

A little over forty, Dr. Hu looks much younger than his age. Clean shaven and neatly attired, he is neatness itself. Hair all jet black, with no touch of gray, prominent Augustan forehead, with eyes large and frank, a mobile pair of lips, suggestive of eloquence and an easy flow of speech, a good complexion, Dr. Hu's face suggests neither a scholar's "simple living and high thinking," nor a man-of-the-world's "good board and fast living."Of medium height, just right in size, agile and free in his movements, Dr. Hu has the appearance of a man-of-the-world turned scholar, rather than a scholar turned man-of-the-world.

Dr. Hu's knowledge is prodigious. Something of everything, he knows from the composition of aphrodisiacs to the most abstruse doctrines of Buddhism. He reads extensively: Tchehov, some of whose stories he has translated; Chinese poetry, of which he has formed an anthology(词选); early Chinese philosophy, on which he has written a book; Buddhist philosophy, of which we have scraps from his pen, now and again; Chinese and European novels; and so on ad infinitum. And he writes on the most diverse of subjects—politics, social questions, history, evolutionary theories, textual criticism, etc. etc. A mere glance at the contents of his collection of articles (胡适文存) will give us some idea of the range and versatility of his mind. This plus his conversation, breezy, often informative, never pedantic, will give us a complete picture of his mind.

Dr. Hu is not one of those who keep and hide their talents underground. What he has, he shows. What he is, is all there—in his books, in his conversation, in his ways. He does not believe in hiding anything. There is no mystery in him: all is sunshine, and no shadow. His mind is like one vast, brilliantly lighted lake, where are no deep romantic chasms nor echoes of the other world. In such a lake, we are not interested in its depth, but in its surface, which reflects everything, and which has the power of giving us neat, clean, ordered pictures of Cosmos. In such pictures, nuance, soul, religion have no place.

Dr. Hu is justly admired for the lucidity of his style. Le style, c'est l'homme. We think of the lucidity of Haeckel's style, and then, all at once, a simple scheme of the Universe, explanable in terms of matter, force, and the inheritance of acquired characters, forms itself in our minds. We think of the lucidity of Huxley's style, and then, all at once, Man becomes a very simple animal to understand. We think of the lucidity of John Stuart Mill's style, and then, all at once, we find the processes of thought all arranging themselves under syllogisms and propositions. Have not Haeckel, Huxley, and Mill, had something to do with the admirable lucidity of Dr. Hu's style, and with the still more admirable lucidity of his Credo?

Because Dr. Hu has taught philosophy for many years in Peking National University, he has been called a philosopher. Of course, he is that; but surely, the term "philosopher" hardly describes all his activities. Because Dr. Hu writes very often in periodicals on subjects of general interest, he has been called a pamphleteer. Yes, he is that; but it would be a gross libel if any one were to think that he has the opportunism and the mentality of a pamphleteer. Because Dr. Hu never denies himself the goods of this world, he has been dubbed a man-of-the-world. Of course, he is that too; but such an impression of him can only be possible to one, who only knows him at dinner-parties. If there is one word to describe the kind of man Dr. Hu is, I think the word philosophe, in its eighteenth century sense, would fit in pat. Voltaire, D'Alembert, Holbach, Helvétius, Diderot, Jeremy Bentham, were all philosophes. They all had in them something of the worldling, something of the scholar, something of the man of affairs, and something of the philosopher. They had precise views about the scheme of the universe; and they all wrote with the optimism and the confidence of a man of affairs, in a style as authoritative as it is clear, on all sorts of subjects under the sun. Right or wrong, they had the courage of their opinions. Of this band of philosophes, Dr. Hu is not the least distinguished member. And in China, I am not sure that he is not the sole, modern instance.

[No. 9; Mar. 1, 1934]

胡适博士^1，一位哲人

胡适博士，在少数人心目中，不是厉害的对手就是很好的朋友。对于其他人而言，他是老大哥。所有人都承认他和蔼可亲、招人喜爱，甚至他的死对头也这样认为。他不是风流绅士，但是风流绅士处世交友那一套他都不生疏。在寒暄、恭维、献点小殷勤等以博取社交界特别是女士们的好感这些不足挂齿却又不可或缺的手段方面，他都算得上高手。他有本事使每一个和他相处的人都无所拘束。傲慢的人由于得到他的殷勤款待而沾沾自喜，庸碌之辈会由于受到平等对待而觉得身价倍增。胡博士是最佳意义上的民主人士，没有沾染一点点无论是基于社会地位还是知识水平的势利习气。

胡博士的家门每星期天都对外开放，来者不拒。任何人，不论是大学生还是共产主义者，是商人还是盗贼，只要开口，他都会耐心倾听、耐心叙谈。对于深陷困境的，他会给予帮助；对于寻求工作的，他给写介绍信。有些人来请教学术问题，他总是尽其所能加以满足；也有些人只是前来问候，他便飨以零零碎碎的新闻或消息。所有的来客离去时都会觉得不虚此行。

四十出头的胡博士，看上去要比实际年龄年轻得多。刮得干干净净的一张脸，整洁入时的衣着，称得上衣冠楚楚。他头发乌黑，不见一丝灰白；饱满的奥古斯都^2式额头，一双坦率的大眼睛，两片显得能言善辩的、灵活的嘴唇，面色红润。胡博士的面孔既不会使你想到学者的“大脑发达、生活简朴”，也不会使你想到俗人的“饮食丰美、生活放荡”。胡博士中等身材，肢体匀称，反应灵敏，举止自如，看上去更像是由俗人变成的学者，而不是学者变成的俗人。

胡博士学识渊博，他对万事万物——从春药的配制到佛教的深奥佛理——全都有所了解。他涉猎颇广：契诃夫^3，他翻译过他的短篇小说；中国诗词，他编选过一部《词选》；中国早期哲学，他写过相关的著作；佛教哲学，他常有长短不拘的文字问世；中国和欧洲的小说；诸如此类，不胜枚举。他执笔议论的问题是五花八门——政治、社会问题、历史、进化论、文本考证等等。只消看一眼《胡适文存》的目录，就可以对他的多才多艺和涉猎之广多少有个印象。再加上他风雅有趣、常常是知识丰富而并非卖弄学问的谈吐，就能给我们一个完整的印象。

胡博士并不是喜欢把自己的才能掩藏起来的那种人：他有什么，就显示出什么；他是什么，就都在那儿了——在他的著作、他的谈吐、他的行为方式中。他不想有所隐瞒，在他的身上没有什么神秘：只有阳光，没有阴影。他的心胸仿佛是一片明亮如镜的广阔湖泊，没有浪漫的深沟，没有彼岸的回音。对于这样的湖，我们关心的不是深度，而是如镜的湖面。那湖面反映一切，能够把一幅幅精致、明净、有序的宇宙映像呈现在我们眼前。在这样的画面里，没有玄妙、灵魂和宗教的位置。

胡博士的文风简洁明快，当之无愧地受到了称赞——文如其人。我们想起海克尔^4的简洁文风，一个可以用物质、力、获得性状遗传加以解释的宇宙模型，就会立刻出现在我们的脑海里。我们想起赫胥黎^5的简洁文风，人就立刻变成了非常简单的动物而不难理解。我们想起约翰·斯图尔特·穆勒^6的简洁文风，我们就能立刻认识到思想按照三段论和命题形成的过程。海克尔、赫胥黎和穆勒与胡博士文风值得赞叹的简洁，甚至与他那更加值得赞叹的信条的简洁，是不是也存在着某种关系呢？

因为胡博士在国立北京大学讲授哲学多年，人们称他为哲学家。当然，他的确是个哲学家，但是“哲学家”这个称呼却不足以描述他所有的活动。因为他时常给刊物写文章，对普遍关心的问题发表议论，他也被称为小册子作家。不错，他的确是个小册子作家，但是，如果认为他也有小册子作家那种机会主义和心理状态，这一称呼对于他就成了极大的污蔑。因为胡博士从不摈弃世俗财富，有人就说他是个俗人。是的，他也实在是个俗人，不过，能够产生这样一种印象的，也只限于仅在宴会上认识他的人。如果世界上有一个名称能够用来称呼胡博士这样一种人，我想18世纪那种用法的philosophe（哲人）7就恰好合适。伏尔泰^8、达兰贝尔^9、霍尔巴赫^10、爱尔维修^11、狄德罗^12和杰里米·边沁^13全都是哲人。在他们身上，俗人、学者、实干家和哲学家的成分全都有。他们对宇宙的结构模式都有个精确的看法，写东西都有一种实干家的乐观和自信，都用明快而有权威的文笔谈论太阳底下各种各样的问题。无论是对是错，他们全都有勇气发表和坚持自己的主张。放在这一群哲人中间，胡博士也不是最逊色的一个。而在中国，我不敢说他就不是唯一的当代哲人。

［第9期，1934年3月1日］

FENG YU-HSIANG (冯玉祥)

Feng Yu-hsiang—around that name there are, we suspect, more controversies than that of any other contemporary of ours. Have we not heard of him as a mean schemer, a treacherous ally, and have we not heard of him as man of integrity, the most honest of warlords? Have we not heard of his thrift, and have we not heard of the luxuries under the cloak of his thrift? Because of these contradictions and the tales purported to support them, his name has an air of mystery that fascinates one, and so I find myself querying those who know something about him, every time I have a chance.

One of General Feng's former teachers, now in the government service, bluntly sums up his formula of this mysterious personality thus: a half-baked person with a single-track mind. When General Feng was known as the "Christian General," he truly believed that China's salvation lay in Christianity; when he allied himself with Russia, he really believed that that was the only way to save China; later, when he supported General Chiang Kai-shek in ousting General Chang Tso-lin from Peking and the communists from Kuomintang, he sincerely believed that he was doing the only thing that could rescue China and that the realization of the San-Min-Chu-I would mean a millenium for our country. He believed in one thing at a time to the exclusion of everything else; he has the single-track mind because he is half-baked, and he is half-baked because he is a self-educated man, whose reading has been omnivorous rather than intelligently chosen.

Although it was due chiefly to his military strength that the Peking regime collapsed so soon, he publicly declared that what was good for the central government and China he would willingly accept, that the garrison posts of his troops were of no consideration at all, and that General Chiang and the central government would play fair. But when the central government decided to snatch the Hopei and Shantung provinces from him, well, the whole world knows the story already. That's human, all too human, we all can afford to be idealists when idealism doesn't touch our purse.

Another man, one of his former subordinates now living in retirement, paints a full-size portrait of him. As a boy Feng lived near Tientsin, and the pillages of Tientsin and Peking by the foreign troops during the Boxer Uprising made a lasting impression on him. However, it was due more to the desire to support his father, a retired army officer and an opium-smoker, than to defend the country that he entered the army. He was ambitious, and he began to study in spite of the jeers and mortifications of his fellow soldiers. He was filial, patriotic and loyal to the throne. It was said that when Empress Dowager died, he cried bitterly for days. With his ambition, his excellence in military drill, and his ability to read and write, he found himself, in 1911, a major at the head of one battalion, with which he staged a revolt at Luanchow, that ended in failure. Somehow those three years between 1908 and 1911 found him greatly changed from a loyal officer to a revolutionist, to which his ability to read must have contributed no small part. However, during the first years of the republic his loyalty was transferred from the crown to his superior officers, and he never raised the standard against Yuan Shih-kai when the latter attempted to make himself emperor, for his connection with the revolutionists had never been very close.

Having been a commoner among the people and a private among the soldiers, General Feng well knew their sad plight and tried as was within his power to alleviate their conditions. This is the tenet of his patriotism and the guiding principle of his life, which remains the same, though his formulas for attaining the desired goal—a prosperous China free from foreign domination—changed with time and circumstances. This accounts for the strict discipline of his troops, which were also well cared for; and it was this more than anything else that was responsible for his conversion to Christianity. The hospitals, orphanages, and schools of the missionary found a warm corner in his heart; he believed that the salvation of China reposed in Christianity, and he tried to Christianize the soldiers under him. It was at this period too that he came into closer contact with revolutionists, for at that time many Christians were revolutionists, notably Dr. C. T. Wang and George Hsu Chien. Though he was now opposed to the Peiyang warlords, still he was loyal to his commanding officers, because he was a better soldier than a revolutionist, and because he knew that he was not strong enough to oppose them.

Later he joined Wu Pei-fu against Tuan Chi-jui, and was made Military Governor of Honan; but, just as he was planning to do something for the people of Honan, General Wu transferred him to Peiping. This highly displeased him and, together with their difference regarding certain political issues, accounted for his coup d'etat, overthrowing the Tsao Kun regime. But he was not yet powerful enough to have his way in North China, and his failure to oust General Chang Tso-lin ended in his own departure from the country.

In Russia he imbibed quite a part of communism, but he was too nationalistic to embrace it whole-heartedly. The Russians knew this and that was why they gave him such a mere pittance of support. This in turn swung him to General Chiang Kai-shek, but when General Chiang decided to give Tientsin and Peiping to General Yen Shih-shan, Feng felt himself cheated; for he had set his mind at being the master of North China so that he could do something for the people, and from the very beginning he felt that he was cooperating with Kuomintang rather than a mere cog in the party wheel. He revolted because of the conflict of interests; but his last conflict with the central government in Charhar was one more of policy than of interests.

Yes, General Feng was largely a child of circumstances, his opinion and his policy are largely a result of the persons around him. He is honest, but too simple; and he thought, when he was in Nanking, that China could be saved by the officials getting less pay and leading a simple life. Being a simple man himself, and seeing the logic that both men and officers are employees of the government and are to serve the country, he would not allow his officers such little comfort as smoking, not to say luxuries. That is why his generals left him and would not come back to him, leaving him "without capital," as he said in his reply to Fukien's invitation to join the revolt. Perhaps, the finis is written over the public career of an extraordinary man, who rose from a private to a commander of 300,000 men at one time.

[No. 10; Mar. 8, 1934]

冯玉祥^1

冯玉祥——在我们同时代的中国人中，可能没有谁比这个名字引发过更多的争议。难道我们不曾听说，他是个卑鄙的阴谋家，是个背信弃义的盟友？难道我们不也听说过，他是个正直的人，是最诚实的军阀？难道我们不曾听说他生活俭朴，难道我们不也听说过他俭朴外衣掩盖下的奢侈？由于这些彼此矛盾的说法，和各种旨在支持这些说法的故事，他的名字便蒙上了一层使人如坠迷雾的神秘氛围。所以，我要是遇到了对他多少有所了解的人总要打听一番，绝不错过任何一次机会。

冯将军早先的一位老师，目前在政府任职，把他对这位神秘人物的评价概括为这样一句话：一个稀里糊涂的人，一个不知变通的头脑。当冯将军被叫做“基督将军”时，他果真就认为基督教可以救中国；当他和俄国结盟时，他确实就相信那是拯救中国的唯一道路；后来他支持蒋介石将军把张作霖^2赶出北京、把共产党人清除出国民党，他也真诚地认为这是挽救中国所能做的唯一的事情，认为实行三民主义就意味着我们国家的千年好景。在他相信一件事情的同时就会把其余的一切排除在脑外。他有一个不知变通的头脑，是因为他稀里糊涂的；他稀里糊涂，则因为他是自学成才的——他读的书十分庞杂，没有经过明智的选择。

虽然主要是由于他的军事实力，北京政权才会那么快垮台，但是他公开声明：只要对中央政府有利、对中国有利，任何解决方式他都乐于接受；他属下部队的防区不足为虑；蒋将军和中央政府自会公平处置。但是当中央政府决定要从他的控制下夺走冀、鲁两省，瞧吧，全世界都已经知道故事如何发展了。那是人之常情，太合乎人情了。我们全都当得起理想主义者，只要理想主义不来碰我们的钱包。

另一个人，是他以前的部下，现在已经退休，对他的标准描绘如下所述：少年时代的冯玉祥居住在天津附近，义和团运动期间外国军队对北京和天津的掠夺，给他留下了终生难忘的印象。但是他后来入伍当兵，在更大程度上是为了供养他的父亲——一个吸鸦片的退伍军官——而不是为了保卫国家。他胸怀大志，不顾行伍伙伴的嘲笑和羞辱，开始学习。他孝顺、爱国、忠君。据说，慈禧太后死的时候，他恸哭了好几天。由于他的远大理想、在训练中的出色表现以及他的文化程度，1911年，他就当上了一个营的管带。他领着这一营人在滦州造反，结果以失败告终。不知怎么地，在1908到1911这三年间，他由一个效忠清廷的军官变成了一名革命分子，他的文化程度一定是起了不小的作用。然而在民国初年，他也只是把他的忠诚从君主转移到了他的上级长官身上。袁世凯试图称帝时期，他从不曾举旗反抗，因为他和革命党人的关系从来就不十分密切。

由于在人民中间曾经是普通百姓，在军人中间曾经是普通一兵，冯将军了解他们的疾苦，因而总是在力所能及的范围内努力改善他们的处境。这是他的爱国主义信条，也是他为人的准则。虽然，他赖以实现目标——一个摆脱外国统治的、繁荣昌盛的中国——的方案随着时移势易而有所变化，那信条和准则至今依旧。正因为如此，他的部队纪律严明、训练有素，并能得到良好的照管。也正是由于这个而不是别的什么原因，导致他信奉了基督教。医院、孤儿院、教会学校，在他的心里找到了温暖的关怀。他相信，要救中国还要靠基督教，所以他试图使部下的士兵全都皈依基督。也是在这个时期，他和革命党人建立了密切的联系，因为那时候不少基督徒都是革命党人，著名的就有王正廷博士^3和徐谦^4。虽然他现在反对北洋军阀，但是他仍然忠于他的司令长官，因为他作为军人要比他作为革命党人更加合格，也因为他知道他还没有强大到足以对抗他们。

后来他参加吴佩孚^5反对段祺瑞^6的斗争，被任命为河南督军；但是正当他准备为河南人民做一些事情的时候，吴佩孚把他调到了北京。这种调动使他很不高兴，再加上他们在一些政治问题上的分歧，促使他发动了一次推翻曹锟^7政权的政变。但是他的力量还不足以使他在华北为所欲为，而未能赶走张作霖将军的失败之举，则以他自己的出国而告终。

在俄国，他受到不少共产主义的熏染，但是他是一个太坚定的民族主义者而不可能全心全意地接受共产主义。俄国人对这一点也心里有数，所以只给了他十分有限的支持。于是他又摆向蒋介石将军，但是当蒋介石决定把天津和北京（后改称北平）交给阎锡山将军^8时，冯将军觉得受到了欺骗。他早已打定主意要做华北的主人，这样他才能为人民做一点事情，而从一开始他就觉得自己是在跟国民党合作而不是它的一个无足轻重的卒子。他以前反叛，是由于利益冲突；但是最近一次在察哈尔和中央政府的冲突，却更是一场政策冲突。

是的，冯将军在很大程度上是环境的产儿，他的主张和政策在很大程度上是他身边人物影响的结果。他为人诚实，但是过于简单。在南京的时候，他以为只要官员们少拿点俸禄，生活简朴一点，中国就能得救。他本身十分简朴，而且认为士兵和军官全都是政府的雇员，理当为国家服务。对他的军官，连抽烟这样的小享受他都不允许，更别提奢侈的生活了。这就是为什么他的部将会离开他并且再也不愿意回到他身边的原因，就像他答复福建邀他参加起义^9时所说，已经使他再“没有资本”。也许，这个从普通士兵上升为30万人统帅的非凡人物，其公共职业生涯的最后章节已经写就。

［第10期，1934年3月8日］

HSU TSE-MO (徐志摩), A CHILD

Shelly's love affairs are notorious. To Victorian eyes, they are shocking. Matthew Arnold, so very interesting in his views on literature, right or wrong, made a big fool of himself, when he came to touch on Shelly's sexual relations. But Time has vindicated Shelly, cleared him from all mud, and metamorphised him into Ariel—a butterfly, fluttering about from one flower to another, a frail, slight thing, creature of the air, as beautiful as it is innocent. Shelly's Epipsychidion is the song of an ideal lover, who does not love this or that woman, but every woman, in whom he finds a reflection of Ideal Beauty, whether in hand, face or voice.

Well, Tse-mo's relations with women are exactly like Shelly's. Let no woman flatter herself that Tse-mo has ever loved her; he has only loved his own inner vision of Ideal Beauty. Even a pale cast of that Ideal in any woman, Tse-mo loves. His burning incense at many shrines is no disloyalty, but rather it is the essence of his loyalty to his Ideal. Like the shift and play of shadows on a bright summer day, Tse-mo flits about from one girl-friend to another: but inasmuch as the shadows are caused by one sun, so also is Tse-mo's love due to only one thing—his vision of Ideal Beauty. To that he is ever a faithful votary, not only in his relations with women, but also in his writings, in his friendships with men, and even in the vagaries and irregularities of what appears at first sight to be nothing but a disordered kind of existence, at once brief and tragic.

Tse-mo, the man, is much greater than Tse-mo, the poet. We like, many of us, his poetry, because he wrote it. I doubt if there are any who like him, because of his poetry. His personality is his genius. The more of him, therefore, there is in anything he does or says, the more of magical charm it has for us. This is why his prose is so much better than his poetry: there is more of him in it than in his verse. Reading his prose, we become aware, all at once, of the glamour and the unearthly brightness of his personality: his lineaments, the accent of his talk, the rhythm of his speech—its aliveness, at one moment its sinuous retreat into some interesting irrelevancies, at another its victorious return to the main flood of chat, so eager, so ardent, as if nothing matters but chat for chat's sake—they are all there in his prose. His poetry, on the other hand, is one remove from his personality. There is something extraneous about it: it is not a part of, but an excretion, so to speak, from him. Whatever prestige it enjoys is borrowed from his personality. With the passing of the years, as Tse-mo becomes more a memory and less an obsession, his poetry too, I fear, will lose something of the radiance it now has. I am not sure, now that he has been dead two years, if it hasn't already suffered a little fading.

What is the secret of Tse-mo's personality? Is it physical? Something in that. But physically more impressive and more handsome than Tse-mo, there are literally thousands, who yet have not one tenth of his fascination. His nose is too large, his eyebrows too nondescript, his mouth somewhat over-drawn, and his jaw a little heavy looking, to be really beautiful. No, the secret of his charm lies elsewhere. It is to be found, I think, in his temperament and in his mind. They are the temperament and the mind of a bright, clever child, who can never grow old, who has an insatiable curiosity about the things around him, who makes no distinction between the world of wake and the world of dream, who can never hate anyone, and to whom it never occurs that anybody can really dislike him. Experiences brush him by, they cannot transform him. He plays about with things, as a child his toys. Ideas, the Theory of Relativity, Chandra Bose's discoveries in botany, the Irish Renaissance, Tagore, Liang Chi-chao, Cézanne's paintings, Picasso's drawings, Mei Lan-fang, Kreisler—they all provide him with endless entertainment. His life is a continual round of visits to friends. The places he stays in are mere corridors for his friends to go through. The wonder is that he ever finds time to write as much as he does. What to others would be vexatious interruptions, is to him nothing, but joyous variety; and variety is life to a child.

There are sorrows to be sure, in Tse-mo's life: keen and poignant, like those of a child; but lasting no longer than the morning dew. Pain is often inflicted by him on those he associates with; but the pain is robbed of half its hurt, because the hand that inflicts it is innocent. Like a child who kills birds and pulls out the wings of flies, Tse-mo can also, at times, be very cruel to people, without his knowing it. A creature of impulse, wholly innocent, Tse-mo breaks glasses, scatters flowers, and riots through a brake of brambles, as part of the day's play.

Some say, they see signs of maturity in Tse-mo's latter days. If so, a good thing he died when he did. And what a fairytale death it was! Died in an aeroplane crash, and against a mountain too! A poetic death, a child's life: what better fate can the gods grant to mortal man?

[No. 11; Mar. 15, 1934]

徐志摩^1，一个孩子

雪莱^2的爱情故事已经尽人皆知，在维多利亚时代^3的人们看来，那是惊世骇俗的。马修·阿诺德^4的文学评论，无论正确与否，都能引人入胜，但是一触及雪莱和女性的关系，他却变成了一个大傻瓜。但是，时光老人已经为雪莱辩诬，洗清了他身上所有的泥污，把他变成了爱丽儿^5——一只在花朵与花朵之间飞来飞去的、轻盈而脆弱的蝴蝶，一个在空中飞舞的美好而且天真的生灵。雪莱的《心之灵》，是一曲理想的情人之歌，他爱的并不是这个或那个女人，而是每一个女人。在她身上，无论是手上、脸上或是说话的声音里，他发现了理想美的某种反映。

是的，志摩和女人们的关系就和雪莱完全一样。哪一个女人也不要以被徐志摩爱过而自鸣得意，他爱过的只是他内心理想美的幻象。即使只是那种理想在某个女人身上的苍白投影，他也爱。他在许多神龛前烧香并非不忠，倒是忠于理想的本质表现。志摩用情于一个又一个女友，就像晴朗夏日飘忽不定的影子；也像影子全都由太阳引起一样，志摩的情爱也只有一个来源——他理想美的幻象。他永远是这种理想美的忠实信徒，不仅表现在他和女人的关系上，也表现在他的写作里、他和男人的友谊上，甚至表现在他乍看起来杂乱无章、短暂而可悲的一生的异常怪诞之中。

作为人的志摩，要比作为诗人的志摩伟大得多。我们许多人都喜欢他的诗，就因为诗是他写的。我不知道是否有人因为他写的诗而喜欢上他。他的个性就是他的天才。所以，他的一言一行越是富有个性，对于我们来说，就越是富有魅力。这就是为什么他的散文会比他的诗好那么多：他的散文比诗更富有个性。读他的散文，我们能立刻感受到他个性的美和脱俗的光彩。他的面部表情、说话的腔调、语言的节奏（活跃而富有生气，有时会委曲婉转涉及有趣的题外事物，继而又会顺利回归闲聊的中心主流，是那么急切、那么热情，好像什么都不为，只是为了聊聊而已）——这一切在散文中随处可见。他的诗则不然，总是和他的个性保持着距离。诗对于他总有些异己，而不是他的一部分，可以说是他的排泄物。无论享有何等声誉，诗都是他个性的余晖。随着岁月的流逝，志摩变得越来越是个回忆中的人物，人们不再像从前那样对他着迷，他的诗恐怕也会丧失掉一些现今具有的光彩。志摩去世两年了，他的诗是不是已经有点褪色，我说不准。

志摩个性魅力的秘密究竟何在？在于形象吗？有点。但是在形象上比志摩英俊出色的，何止千万，而这成千上万人的魅力也不及他的十分之一。他的鼻子太大，眼眉缺乏特点，嘴巴有点夸张，下颚看来略显沉重，因此很难算得上漂亮。不，他的魅力的秘密在别处——我想，可以从他的气质、他的头脑中找到。那是一个聪明伶俐的孩子的气质和头脑，这个孩子永远也长不大，对周围的一切怀有无穷的好奇，不分辨是清醒的还是梦幻中的世界，不懂得憎恨任何人，也不曾想过任何人会不喜欢他。人生的经历擦身而去，未能改变他。他与人间事物游戏，像孩子之于玩具。各种主张、相对论^6、钱德拉·博斯^7的植物学新发现、爱尔兰的文艺复兴^8、泰戈尔^9、梁启超^10、塞尚^11的绘画、毕加索^12的作品、梅兰芳^13、克莱斯勒^14——全都给了他无尽的娱乐。他的生活是对朋友无休无止的探访。他所居住的住所，不过是朋友们从中通过的走廊。令人惊奇的是，他总能找到时间写出那么多作品来。工作被打断，对于别人会是讨厌的事情；在他则不然，只不过是愉快的变换花样。对于孩子而言，变换花样就是生活。

不错，志摩的生活中也有烦恼：尖锐而且辛酸，就像孩子的烦恼那样；但是有如朝露，转瞬即逝。他也常使他的亲朋好友遭受痛苦，但是这种痛苦不会造成很大伤害，因为他本无意为害。就像孩子会弄死小鸟、撕掉昆虫的翅膀一样，志摩有时也会对别人非常残酷而不自知。他完全是个容易冲动、天真无邪的孩子，有时会摔碎杯子、乱扔花朵、在刺藤丛中喧哗笑闹，这都是嬉戏的一部分。

有人说，他们在志摩的后期看到了成熟的迹象。果真这样，他倒死得其时。而他的死，又多么像个童话！飞机失事，而且撞到了山上！死得富有诗意，活得像个孩子：神明还能给凡人安排出更好的命运吗？

［第11期，1934年3月15日］

THE SYCIP BROTHERS (薛氏兄弟)

The name SyCip does not sound like a Chinese surname, does it? Nevertheless the SyCips are Chinese, as any one in the Philippines will tell you. Vicente L. Del Fierro, writing in a recent issue of The Herald Mid-Week Magazine on the occasion of Mr. Alfonso Z. SyCip's being elected president of the Manila Chinese Chamber of Commerce, tells us that "the members of the present generation of SyCips owe their honoured name that they enjoy to their late lamented father Jose Zarate Sy Cip" (or 薛清习 in Chinese), for it is customary for a Chinese in the Philippines to take the name together with the surname of his father as his surname, hence SyCip.

The old Mr. Sy Cip, according to Del Fierro, "had been looked upon as an exemplary businessman by foreigners and Filipinos alike and he had impressed the same cardinal virtues in his children. Thus today we find the SyCips, specially the two most famous living members of the clan, Alfonso and Albino, highly respected by all elements in the business world in the Philippines... they have improved upon their inheritance, and years have added their prestige... The father of the SyCips like all adventurous sons of Cathay came here [Manila] when he was only twelve years old" from the Island of Amoy, Fukien. The Chinese women who owned and managed factories half a centuries ago, even among our overseas, could perhaps be counted on one hand, and the mother of the SyCip brothers was one of them.

However, it would be a mistake to think the SyCip brothers are businessmen and little else. If they were, perhaps their names would not appear here. Indeed, there are men of greater wealth and influence than they in Manila, but there is something they do which earns them the goodwill of the Chinese community and makes them popular. They both try to serve the Chinese community, each in his own way.

Alfonso is the third son of old SyCip. "Born in 1883, he saw the first light of day under the shadows of Binondo church," not far from which now he sits in his office on Juan Luana Street. But he has made a large circuit in the meanwhile. Taken back to China by his father at seven, he was soon sent to study in Foochow. On his return to the Philippines, he went to work in Cebu, where he found his knowledge of English, learned in the missionary school in the capital of Fukien, highly useful during the early years of the American rule. Presently he was offered a better job by a Manila firm, which he served a while before he established a business of his own.

But in Cebu or Manila, he is ever ready to lend a helping hand to those in trouble. If the trouble is among the Chinese, he is their peace-maker. If misunderstanding arises between the Chinese on the one hand and the Filipinos or the government on the other hand, then he is sure to be found among the unofficial diplomats of the Chinese community to straighten out the case. In other words, he is the type of Chinese leader produced by centuries of village life—the elder of the clan.

"In all his dealings," again to quote Del Fierro, "he has always carried his head high, but not haughtily." He speaks few words, but does a lot.

Albino, many years his junior, is more agile, and one even suspects that there is some sort of tempestuousness in his character. Being sent in his teens to study in the United States, he has acquired something of the modern tempo. While he closely cooperates with his brother in the work of an elder to the Chinese community, it is in another field of service, where his talent and training are best employed to serve his compatriots in the Philippines, e.g. the fight against the Bookkeeping Law, which was passed by the Philippine legislature admittedly to cripple the Chinese business enterprises. For his training as a lawyer was brought into full play, when he and two other delegates of the Chinese business community went to Washington to lobby against the Bill, and when they planned to take the teeth out of it.

But there are certain similarities between the two brothers. Although they do not have any connection with any institutional religion, they possess a very strong moral outlook. From his statement on the lesson to be learned from the present business depression, published in The Critic, January 25, one may gain some insight of Albino's moral outlook, while Alfonso includes in his plans for the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, the restoration of "old Chinese honesty."

Their large-mindedness expresses itself not only in services they render to their fellowmen, but also in their desire for cordial relations between the Chinese on the one hand and the Filipinos and even the Japanese on the other. They have an optimism that China will eventually pull through and emerge from the present crisis a strong, united nation, which we who live in China seldom have. It is perhaps this optimism that carries them through their hard work. Hard workers all who know them will admit they are. And nothing illustrates this so well as Alfonso's closing remark to his interviewer: "Just write enough. I don't talk. I work."

[No. 12; Mar. 22, 1934]

薛氏兄弟^1

薛习（SyCip），听起来不像是中国人的姓，是吧？尽管如此，SyCip一家倒全都是中国人，这在菲律宾是众所周知的事实。维森特·费罗就阿尔丰索·薛习当选马尼拉中华商会主席一事，在最近一期《先驱周刊》发表的文章告诉我们，“薛习家现今一代的成员之得以享有他们光荣的姓氏，要感谢他们已故的父亲薛清习”，菲律宾华人习惯于把父亲的姓和名并用为姓，于是便有了“薛习”这样一个姓。2

据费罗说，“外国人和菲律宾人都认为，薛清习老先生是一位模范商人，而且把他的基本美德传给了他的子女。因此，今日的薛习家人，尤其是这一家族最著名而仍然健在的两位成员——阿尔丰索和阿尔宾诺——受到了菲律宾商界全体高度的尊敬……他们青出于蓝而胜于蓝，他们的声望与时俱增……像所有富于冒险精神的华夏儿女一样，薛氏兄弟的父亲来到这里［马尼拉^3］时只有12岁”，他来自福建的厦门岛。早在半个世纪以前就能开办和经营工厂的中国妇女，甚至在我们的海外华侨中间，都是屈指可数的，而薛氏兄弟的母亲^4就是她们中间的一个。

然而，如果以为薛氏兄弟仅仅是商人，那就错了。如果他们确实仅仅是商人，他们的名字也就不会出现在这里了。事实上，比他们更有钱、更有影响力的人在马尼拉是有的。但是，他们是做了一些事情才赢得了华人社会的敬重，才受到了人们欢迎的。他们二人都在努力为华人社会服务，各人以各人自己的方式。

阿尔丰索是老薛清习的第三个儿子。他“1883年出生在碧农多教堂附近”，离他目前设在胡安路阿纳大街的办公室不远。但是在这几十年间，他已经转过了一大圈。他7岁时被父亲带回中国，不久便被送到福州去读书。再回到菲律宾以后，他曾到宿务^5去打工。到了那里他才发现，从福建省会的教会学校学到的英语知识，在美国统治的初年非常有用。不久，他就在马尼拉一家企业获得了更好的职务，并干了一段时间。继而，他就创办了自己的企业。

但是无论在宿务或是在马尼拉，他都乐于向遇到麻烦的人随时伸出援助之手。如果麻烦发生在华人之间，他就会出面充当和事佬。如果是在华人和菲律宾人或政府之间出现了误会，他肯定会是华人社会非正式外交官中的一员，去设法解决问题。换句话说，他是中国千百年农村生活所产生的那种领袖——宗族长老。

“在处理各种事情时，”还是用费罗的话来说，“他的头总是抬得高高的，但是并不傲慢。”他说话不多，办事可不少。

阿尔宾诺，比他小许多岁，也比他机敏，人们甚至怀疑在他的性格里有一点狂暴的成分。他在十几岁时就被送到美国去学习，身上有种现代气质。虽然在充当华人社会长老的工作方面，他和哥哥密切合作，但是他的才智和所受教育，却是在另一个领域内为自己同胞服务时得到了最好的发挥，比如说，反对《簿记法》的斗争。不可否认，菲律宾立法机构通过这个法律，就是为了打击华商企业。当他和另外两名华商代表一道前往华盛顿，为反对这一法案而进行游说时，当他们计划着废除其中的不良条款时，他作为律师所受的教育，就有了充分的用武之地。

但是两兄弟之间也确实存在着若干相似之处。虽然他们和任何一种制度化的宗教都没有任何关系，但是他们都有很强的道德观念。从阿尔宾诺就应该从目前的经济萧条中汲取何种教训而发表在《评论》1月25日一期上的言论，就可以对他的道德观获得一个深入的认识。阿尔丰索则把恢复“古老的中国诚信”纳入了他为中华商会制定的工作计划之中。

他们心胸开阔，不仅表现在他们对自己同胞的服务上，也表现在对于华人和菲律宾人——甚至和日本人——建立和睦关系的愿望上。他们全都乐观地相信，中国一定能够渡过目前的危机^6，最终成为一个富强统一的国家——这倒是生活在中国国内的我们少有的乐观。也许正是这样一种乐观信念在支持他们勤奋工作。所有认识他们的人都会承认他们工作勤奋。能够说明这一点的最好实例，莫过于阿尔丰索结束访谈的那句话：“写点儿就够了，我不空谈，我要工作。”

［第12期，1934年3月22日］

CHOU TSO-JEN (周作人): IRON AND GRACE

Ways quiet as a mouse, never raising his voice above a whisper, almost old-womanish in his gait, Mr. Chou has yet that something aloof about him — is it coldness or well-mannered contempt? — which keeps men sufficiently at a distance, for him to see them as an amused spectator. His very gentleness in the outward ceremonies of conversational address is a sort of barrier to any warm intimacy with him. That shaking of the bullet-shaped head up and down, as he laughs, or rather as he makes his smile audible, is an invitation to be confidential, but not to be free and easy, with him. We cannot imagine it possible for anyone to treat him cavalierly. His always is our respect, when we first meet him: with enemies, this respect changes to fear; with friends, it leads to an intimacy at once fraternal and charitable, but cordial—never!

Mr. Chou's study, where he works and meets his guests, is the exact picture of the man. Neat, with everything in its proper place, not a speck of dust anywhere. A sort of Japanese elegance on wall and floor. A dainty exclusiveness, with nothing superfluous in the way of chairs, tables or ornaments. Just a few cushions here and there to give the room an air of comfort. And then, the books. How well they are kept behind glass-cases, and what a choice variety—from books on the psychology of sex to books on Greek religion, in Chinese, Japanese, English, and Greek. Pervading the whole room, there is an atmosphere of quiet studiousness, redolent of happy hours spent in reading and in pleasant chats on men and books.

The remoteness of Mr. Chou's house from the centre of things in Peiping does not encourage callers, but the few who do call are always welcome: they are, if not old friends, ardent admirers, who usually go to see him for some special advice about writing, or for just a chat. In most cases, it's the callers who do the talking, and it's Mr. Chou who listens. Conversation is carried on in a low key. There is no argument, hence no eloquence. The talk winds in and out, about this and about that—just a caressing touch, and then, it's off again to something else: nothing is allowed to engross the attention to the extent of becoming an object of passionate discussion. Enthusiasm is out of place: there is only the dry light of curiosity about everything.

And how very human and very small the world appears in Mr. Chou's eyes! In his writings, he avoids the great questions that divide mankind into hostile parties. What he loves to dwell on are the little things, the "little, nameless, unremembered acts," that endear this most impossible of all possible worlds to us. Hence his cultivation of that gentle art of essay-writing—not of the Macaulay sort, with its open Forum atmosphere and its clangorous emphasis, but of the Elia kind, with its unconscious, and therefore charming, solipsisms and its quiet tone. Mr. Chou's essays resemble nothing so much as gossiping, carried to a fine art. He has the rare knack of transmuting the precious nothings of a man's life into golden chit-chat. He achieves the significant, via the insignificant. In his very human garden, cabbages are more glamorous than roses. And as we read him, we become almost persuaded that flies can sometimes be more interesting than thoughts on...

Providence, Foreknowledge, Will and Fate—Fixed fate, free will, foreknowledge absolute.

He restores us to a sense of our proper "indignity": sippers of tea, sippers of wine, and sippers of life, like the flies of an idle, summer day, and just like the flies too, sippers with grace, sippers with "not too much."

There is another side to Mr. Chou, which we must not forget. There is a good deal of iron in him. Those biting lips of his, crowned by a brush moustache, suggest determination. He seldom cares to mix himself up with anything, but when he does, woe betide the person who crosses his path! Swiftly and surely, he strikes his enemy—only one clean, bold stroke is enough. How neatly, and with what artistry, for instance, did he dispose of Mr. Ching Li-pin (经利彬), President of the Girls' College(女子学院) in Peiping! The secret, perhaps, of Mr. Chou's success in everything practical he undertakes to do, is his knowing clearly just what he wants, and—what is more important—his awareness of his limitations. At Committee Meetings, few are the words he says, but what he says goes home: and this, because everything has been well thought out beforehand, and there is no shilly-shallying. Never fussy, always imperturbably calm, he conveys to us the idea of a person, who is happy indeed to be allowed to remain in his unbuttoned moods, but who is equally happy, when there is a storm ahead.

A storm! The very word suggests the sea, and the sea suggests ships. By a strange irony of fate, Mr. Chou, the essayist, was once upon a time actually a naval cadet! But really, it isn't so very strange, after all. What thing more graceful than an ironclad, cleaving her way through the sea? Well, Mr. Chou is exactly like an ironclad in this: he has the grace of iron!

[No. 13; Mar. 29, 1934]

周作人^1：铁的优雅

周先生，不声不响的，说话的嗓音从不高于耳语，行走的姿态几乎像是老妪，却有一种孤芳自赏的气概——是冷漠呢还是有礼貌的轻蔑？这足以拒人于千里之外，容他自得其乐地从旁观赏。他言谈举止所表现的彬彬有礼正是对于任何亲密接触的某种屏障。而在发笑或笑出声来的同时，那子弹头式的脑袋上下摆动，却是可以亲近的表示，但也不可随便造次。很难想象有谁能够漫不经心地对待他。初次见面，他受到的总是尊敬。在敌人，这种尊敬会变成恐惧；在朋友，这种尊敬会导致亲近，可以亲善友好如兄如弟，却永远也不会热情！

他在书斋里工作、会客，他的书斋可以说是屋如其人——整洁，一切东西都摆放在合适的位置，所有的地方都一尘不染。墙壁和地板有种日式的雅致；桌椅和摆饰没有一件多余，有种独一无二的韵味。这里一个靠垫，那里一个靠垫，就平添了一份舒适。还有那些书，在玻璃书橱里码放得多么整齐，经过精心挑选，从有关性心理的著作到论述希腊宗教的典籍，中文、日文、英文、希腊文，不一而足。整个房间弥漫着宁静的、好学不倦的气氛，使人想到埋头阅读和评书论人的娓娓交谈中度过的欢乐时光。

周先生的住宅远离北平的中心地区，这成了访客稀少的原因。但是为数不多的来客，总会受到欢迎。这些来客，不是老朋友，便是热诚的崇拜者，通常是来为写作寻求建议的，或者只是为了聊天。在大多数情况下，总是来客谈话，周先生倾听。交谈都在低沉的声调中进行，没有争论，也就没有雄辩。谈话会绕来绕去，谈谈这，说说那，刚一接触某个话题，便又立刻转向别处，决不允许把注意力集中到引发热烈讨论的任何话题。热情是谈不上的，有的只是对于各种事物纯粹的好奇。

在周先生看来，这个世界是多么富有人性而又多么渺小！在写作时，他总是避免那些使人类分裂成敌对营垒的重大问题。他喜欢花较大篇幅来写一些小事，写一些“没人知道、没人记得的琐事”，从而使我们对那一切可能世界里最不可能的天地也都关心起来。就这样，他养成了那种温和的散文写作艺术——不是麦考利^2那种带有公开论坛气氛和响亮加重语气的风格，而是伊利亚^3那种不知不觉因而引人入胜的唯我哲学和闲散情调。周先生的散文简直是把闲谈发展成了艺术。他有一种极其难得的本事，能把一个人生活中可贵的琐事变成为闲聊时的含金话语。他能借助无足轻重的题材写出意味深长的文章。在他非常富有人性的园圃里，白菜要比玫瑰更加美丽动人。读他的散文会使我们相信，苍蝇要比有关于“天道、预见、意志和命运……”4之类的思想更有意思。他在恢复我们本来的“无尊严”意识；饮茶，饮酒，啜饮生命，就像无聊夏日里的苍蝇一样，也就像那些苍蝇一样，啜饮得很有风度，啜饮得“中庸适度”。

我们不该忘记，周先生还有另外一面，在他身上还有不少铁的因素。他那双紧抿的嘴唇和嘴唇上的八字胡，都使人想到坚定果断。他很少介入各种是非纠纷，但是，一旦介入，就该挡着他的那个人倒霉了！他对敌人的打击既快且准——只消干脆的狠狠一击就够了。对付北平女子学院院长经利彬^5的那一击就是一例，多么利落，多么漂亮！周先生做什么事情都能够无往不胜的秘诀，也许就在于清楚地知道他要的是什么，更重要的还在于知道他自己能力的限度。在委员会的会议上，他很少说话，但是凡有议论都能言必有中；这是因为事事都经过深思熟虑，不会犹豫不决。他从不大惊小怪，永远沉着冷静，给人的印象是，他这种人，逍遥自在时高兴，面对风浪时也高兴。

风浪！提起风浪，令人想到海洋；提起海洋，又令人想到舰艇。因缘际会，周先生这位散文作家，还确实曾经是一名海军军官学校的学员！但是，说起来又并非那么奇特，还有什么能比一艘铁甲战舰在海上乘风破浪更加优雅动人呢？不错，周先生正好就像一艘铁甲战舰——他有铁的优雅！

［第13期，1934年3月29日］

DR. ROBERT LIM (林可胜), A SCIENTIST

Dr. Lim is perhaps better known abroad than in China. Among Chinese who write in learned foreign journals, Dr. Lim easily tops the list. His contributions to physiology, since his eighteenth year, when he was a medical student in Edinburgh University, must be reckoned by the hundreds, but they are purely technical, and are such that only specialists would care to read them. They do not deal with physiological questions from the broad, philosophic point of view, like the way Verworm writes on The Cell, Pavlov on Reflex Action, or Sherrington on The Integrative Action of the Nervous System. This fact makes Dr. Lim a physiologist's physiologist, and not a layman's physiologist.

As with his writings, so with his mind: it is that of a scientific specialist, to whom nothing exists but what can be scientifically stated, and no truth valuable but what can be experimentally proved. It is not so much that he is not interested in things outside his line, as that he finds them irrelevant—superstitions, as he calls them. Literature, political science, philosophy—to him, they are just the playthings of the mind, but nothing to be serious about. Indeed, a certain bemused arrogance is evident in him towards studies, other than scientific. In this respect, he differs markedly from other Chinese scientists, such as Dr. V. K. Ting, Dr. Li Chi, and Dr. Chao Yuan-jen, who so often blaze such brilliant trails behind them in fields, outside their own. With Dr. V. K. Ting, for instance, it wouldn't surprise us in the least, if, getting up one fine morning, we were to find him famous as the author of (say) the History of Political Prostitution. As for Dr. Chao Yuan-jen, all things are possible with him, be they ingenious, original, and out of the way. In other words, Dr. V. K. Ting & Company are more to be described as savants than scientists. A scientist, pure and simple, is a very rare bird in China. We believe Dr. Lim is the only genuine instance of one.

Dr. Lim is at present Head of the Department of Physiology in Peking Union Medical College. Besides this, he is also Managing Editor of the Chinese Journal of Physiology.

So much in love is Dr. Lim with his work, that he is hardly out of his laboratory, morning, noon and night. There is scarcely one idle moment. His fingers are either dissecting animals for his experiments, or busy writing out the results of his researches on the endocrine glands, on metabolism, or on the hundred and one problems connected with digestion. He has his lunch in his office, and sometimes he even sleeps there. In every sense of the word, his office is his home. We see a profusion of papers there, numberless charts and stacks of physiological journals: no place, apparently, for small talk, and idle curiosity.

In appearance, Dr. Lim looks very much like an army officer. Solidly built, somewhat below the average height, with a face which means business and shows bull-dog determination, Dr. Lim is yet the most pleasant of companions, outside his office. He is game for any lark. He can drink like a fish, and dance like an angel. He has a passion for golf, and loves to take a hand at mahjong. And he is one of those very rare persons, who are not only good losers, but—what is more difficult—good winners.

[No. 14; Apr. 5, 1934]

林可胜博士^1，一位科学家

林可胜博士在国外比在国内更为人熟知。在为外国知识性刊物撰稿的华人作者中，林博士名列前茅。从他18岁在爱丁堡大学学医的那一年算起，有关生理学的文稿，已写了好几百篇，而且纯粹是专业性质的，只有专科医生才愿意去读。他写那些文章并不是从哲学的观点泛论生理问题，就像维尔沃姆^2写《细胞》、巴甫洛夫^3论《反射作用》、谢灵顿^4阐述《神经系统的整合作用》。这就使他成了一名生理学家中的生理学家，而不是门外汉的生理学家。

他的头脑也像他的文章一样。在这位科学专家看来，不能加以科学说明的事物就不存在，不能以实验证明的真理就没有价值。对专业以外的事物与其说他不感兴趣，还不如说他认为那些东西都无关紧要——如他所说，都是些迷信。文学、政治学、哲学，在他看来，只不过是思想上的玩物，都不值得认真。事实上，在对待其他学科的态度上，他确实显示出一种难以解释的傲慢，而不是科学的态度。在这一方面，他迥然不同于另一些中国科学家，如丁文江博士、李济博士^5和赵元任博士，他们常常能在本专业以外的领域做开路先锋。以丁文江博士为例，如果某天清晨起床，我们发现他是（比如说）《政治卖淫史》的作者而名声大噪，我们是丝毫也不会感到惊讶的。而对于赵元任博士，什么样的事情全都可能，只要是巧妙、独创而且出人意表。换言之，丁文江博士之流，更适合于被称为博学之士，而不能算是科学家。纯粹的、单纯的科学家，在中国是稀有品种。我们相信，林可胜博士是货真价实的仅有一例。

林博士现在是北京协和医学院生理系的主任，同时也是《中国生理学杂志》的总编辑。

林博士深爱他的工作，几乎从不离开他的实验室，无论是清晨、中午还是夜晚，难得有一分钟清闲。他的手不是在为各种实验解剖各种动物，就是忙着撰写内分泌腺、新陈代谢或是有关于消化的101个问题的研究报告。他常在办公室里吃午餐，有时还在那里睡觉。从任何一种意义上说，他的办公室就是他的家。我们在那里能看到大量的文件、数不清的图表、一叠叠堆放着的生理学杂志：显而易见，完全没有闲谈聊天和放置无用摆饰的空间。

从外表看来，林博士非常像一名军官——身体结实，略矮于常人身高，有一副公事公办的面孔和斗牛犬般果断的表情。然而在办公室外，林博士又是一个和蔼可亲的伙伴，开得起任何玩笑。他能像鱼一样豪饮，像天使一般善舞。他爱打高尔夫球，也喜欢搓搓麻将。他属于那种极其难得的一类人：不仅输得起——更可贵的是——也赢得起。

［第14期，1934年4月5日］

LIANG YU-CH'UN (梁遇春), A CHINESE ELIA

My last recollection of Yu-ch'un was a chat I had with him on Milton in my study. Three days afterwards he died. Just 26 years of age. A few days later, his little daughter died. He leaves a widow and one child.

A short life and gentle! Quiet in manner, dress and speech, Yu-ch'un somehow sticks more in one's memory than many others who are out to make an impression. Not in the least bit showy. In a crowd, he just hides himself in anonymity and smiles. In a company of two, he makes no effort to be heard. Contradiction is indicated by avoidance rather than by denial. The absence of vehemence in him is not a matter of nurture, but of nature. Modesty itself is modest in him. There are some who are modest with a vengeance: their modesty is so self-conscious and so painful. But with Yu-ch'un, his modesty is the least obtrusive thing about him: it constitutes his greatest charm. It is a modesty which does not rebuke, but puts one uncommonly at ease with oneself. The proof of this lies in those restful silences which occur when one converses with him. Whereas with others, one feels terribly fidgety and nervous, when there is a pause in the conversation; with Yu-ch'un, on the contrary, to be silent is to rest awhile, in order to talk all the better later on, reculer pour mieux sauter. The result is, one never tires after a long tête-à-tête with him. There is no constraint, no striving after a point, no showing off —just a folding of the hands, as it were, to see the Mondays and Tuesdays of life go by.

Yu-ch'un wears no mask. He is just himself. And that "self" is a very ordinary self, with this difference: the ordinariness does not try to pass off for something extraordinary. The usual run of people would do anything rather than be ordinary. Yu-ch'un, on the other hand, is not afraid of being ordinary: this is his title to distinction.

To look at him, Yu-ch'un is just one of the crowd of persons that one can see any day in a crowded street. There is nothing distinctive about his features, except perhaps a certain puzzled look on his face, when he listens to one's talk. This puzzled look is very flattering to one's vanity, as it implies a certain intellectual superiority in the speaker over the listener, who seems to have to listen so hard to understand. But, in reality, Yu-ch'un takes in everything at once. This puzzled look is deceptively complimentary.

Besides the above trait, there is another which makes Yu-ch'un likeable—a slight stammer in his speech. There are some defects, which are either formidable or ludicrous. Cyrano de Bergerac's nose, for example, is ludicrous, and Cromwell's wart formidable. But neither Cyrano de Bergerac's long nose nor Cromwell's ugly wart makes the owners of them likeable. A stammer, however, belongs to that small, but select, class of physical defects, that endear the possessors of them to one's liking. Not a little of Charles Lamb's likeability in actual life is due to his stammer. Indeed, is not a good deal of the winsomeness of the Essays of Elia due to the liberal use of parentheses in them? And what is a parenthesis but a stylistic stammer?

The mention of Elia reminds one of the many similarities that one can note between Lamb and Yu-ch'un. It is a well-known fact that Yu-ch'un is a great admirer of Lamb. He is one of the few Chinese who can really relish the Essays of Elia. This gravitation towards Lamb is an expression of affinities between them. For one thing, Yu-ch'un, like Lamb, is a great reader, but not of the omnivorous sort: he browses only in certain chosen meadows—Berkeley, among the philosophers; Defoe, among the novelists; Lytton Strachey, among the biographers; and Lamb, Hazlitt, and Montaigne, among the essayists. As one comes across Burton and Browne and Shakespeare again and again in Lamb's essays, so also Yu-chun's favourites turn up all over his writings, not so much in direct quotations, as in odd fancies and humours and in certain refinements of expression.

Yu-ch'un has not written much. A collection of essays (春醪集) and a few translations comprise all he ever did. But his influence remains in the subtle note of urbane intimacy that meets one in some essays of the best among present-day authors.

[No. 15; Apr. 12, 1934]

梁遇春^1，中国的伊利亚

记得我见遇春最后一面，是在我的书房里和他谈论弥尔顿。三天后，他便去世了，年仅26岁。又过了几天，小女儿也随他去了。他丢下了孤儿寡妻。

短暂的生命，高尚的一生！作风低调、衣着朴素、少言寡语的遇春，不知为什么，倒比言行张扬的人更加令人难忘。没有一丝想要炫耀的念头，置身于人群之中，他总是力图避人耳目而隐身在笑容背后。二人相对，他从不主动说话。遇到分歧，他会回避而不是反驳。柔而不刚，不是他的修养，是他的天性。他太谦虚了，连谦虚之态都深藏起来。有些人谦虚得过火：他们的谦虚很不自然，很费劲。但是说到遇春，他的谦虚则很自然，构成了他那非凡的人格魅力。那是一种不加指责而只会使人感到无比自在的谦虚。最好的证明就是和他交谈时会出现的那些静默间歇。和别人交谈而遇到停顿时，人们往往会感到非常地紧张不安；和遇春在一起，却恰恰相反，交谈中的沉默是休息片刻，以便随后谈得更尽兴，是所谓后退一步以便跳得更远。其结果是，和他进行多长时间的亲密交谈也不会感到疲倦。没有拘束，没有争执，没有卖弄——就好像只是两手抱在胸前，看着周一、周二……一天天的生活从身边过去。

遇春从不戴面具，他就是他自己。而那个“自己”非常平凡，不同的只是，他的平凡无意冒充某种不凡。一般人绝不甘平凡，遇春却不然，他不怕平凡，这正是他值得称道之处。

让我们来看看他吧，他只是拥挤的大街上日常所见的一个普通人。他的相貌没有什么特点，只是在听别人讲话时可能会流露出一种困惑的神色。这种困惑的神色，会使说话人的虚荣心感觉到某种满足，因为这意味着说话人在智力上的些许优越，似乎听话人必须仔细用心听才能听懂。其实，什么东西遇春都是一听就明白了，困惑的表情不过是容易引起错觉的一种谦恭姿态。

除了上述特点，遇春还有个可爱的特点——就是说话时有点口吃。世上有一些缺陷，不是可怕，便是可笑。例如，西拉诺·德·贝尔热拉克^2的鼻子，就很可笑；克伦威尔^3的肉疣，就很可怕。不过，贝尔热拉克的长鼻子和克伦威尔难看的肉疣，都不能使它们的主人显得可爱。但是，口吃属于情况特殊的生理小缺陷，却可以使得口吃的人惹人喜爱。查尔斯·兰姆在实际生活中惹人喜爱，很大程度上是由于他口吃。事实上，《伊利亚随笔集》引人入胜的魅力，不正是由于在文章中大量使用插入语吗？而那些插入语，不正是文体上的口吃吗？

提到伊利亚，就会使人们想起兰姆和遇春之间的许多相似之处。如所周知，遇春非常崇拜兰姆，他是真正能够欣赏《伊利亚随笔集》的少数国人中的一个。兰姆之能够对他产生很强的吸引力，正是同气相求的表现。比如说，遇春像兰姆一样，也是一个大书迷，但并不是什么书都读，他只是有选择地阅读——哲学家中的贝克莱^4，小说家中的笛福^5，传记作家中的雷顿·斯特雷奇^6，散文作家中的兰姆、黑兹利特^7和蒙田^8。就像人们在兰姆的作品中一而再地读到伯顿^9、布朗^10和莎士比亚，遇春所喜爱的作家也一而再地出现在他的作品中，直接引用较少，大多为离奇的幻想和幽默语，以及某些精巧的措词。

遇春著述不多，就是一部散文集（《春醪集》）和几本翻译作品而已。但是他的影响，仍然可以从当代作家某些杰出散文的恳挚亲切的气息和清新淡雅的笔调中辨认出来。

［第15期，1934年4月12日］

TAN KA KEE (陈嘉庚), MERCHANT AND IDEALIST

The most characteristic thing about Tan Ka Kee is his courage. He made his fortune, because he would never say die; and now that he has lost it, these are still his watch words. Four years ago, he was one of the richest Chinese in the South Seas; but today, he is in such reduced circumstances that he has to live on his monthly salary. However, even now he is not down-hearted and crest-fallen. He is still looking forward to the time when his fortune may be completely recouped. In his autobiographical sketch written for The Eastern Miscellany, he chose as his title: "Fear of Failure Is Shameful!" (畏惧失败才是可耻)

Tan Ka Kee's rise to fame and success has been a rapid one. He was born in a well-to-do but by no means wealthy family in a village near Amoy. In his early teens, he went to Singapore and joined the business of his father. Later on, however, he established himself first as a rice merchant and then as a planter of rubber. The rubber business grew steadily as the years went by, so that by the time when he was forty, he was already a multi-millionaire. Then the great war came, and it almost threw him out of business. But somehow he managed to pull through and at the end of the war, he was actually richer than he had been before. He bought more rubber plantations and also established many agencies both in China and abroad for the sale of his manufactured products. He conceived the idea of founding a university in Amoy in his forty-seventh year. He extended at first the invitation to Mr. Wang Ching-wei who was at that time in the south to become the president of the university, but the latter declined and Dr. Lim Boon Keng was appointed in his stead in 1921, when the university was formally declared open.

In 1925, the slump in the rubber market began to be felt, and Mr. Tan was forced to cancel his plan of donating three libraries in Amoy, Foochow and Shanghai respectively. This he still regrets and it is considered by him in his autobiographical sketch as the greatest disappointment in his life. When the Tsinan Incident occurred in the spring of 1928, Mr. Tan became one of the leading spirits in the South Seas of the boycott movement. This aroused the ire of the Japanese who began to push with added force their dumping policy of rubber goods in the South Seas. Mr. Tan's business thus suffered and four years later, he was forced to sell out all of his properties and estates.

According to his own calculation, nearly half of his fortune was spent for educational purposes. To the Amoy University alone, he gave nearly five million dollars. Besides that, he is also the founder and chief benefactor of a primary school and a middle school in his native village. Mr. Tan is a firm believer in education. In spite of the fact that he is practically bankrupt now, he is still doing his best to help Amoy University raise funds among the oversea merchants. Mr. Tan realises the truth that man does not live by bread alone. Money to him is only means to an end, namely that service to one's fellow men. He is a merchant, to be sure, but he is by no means mercenary. On the contrary, he is an idealist—an idealist who is undaunted by unfavourable circumstances. At present he may be down, but he certainly is not out!

[No. 16; Apr. 19, 1934]

陈嘉庚^1，有理想的商人

陈嘉庚最鲜明的个性特征，就是他非常勇敢。他当初之所以能致富，就是因为他永不言败；如今他丧失了家产，在这一点上他依旧不变。四年前，他是南洋最富有的华人之一；如今已拮据到不得不依靠月薪维持生活。然而，即使时至今日，他也没有垂头丧气。他依旧期待着他的财产失而复得的那一天。他为《东方杂志》写过一篇自传性文章，就选择了这样一个题目：“畏惧失败才是可耻”。2

陈嘉庚的功成名就，只经历了一个快速的过程。他出生在厦门附近乡村一户算不得富有的小康人家，十几岁便到新加坡跟随他父亲学做买卖去了。但是他自立门户，却是从经营米业开始的，之后成了一名成功的橡胶种植商。橡胶业一年年地发达起来，到了40岁，他就已经身价数百万了。这时，（第一次）世界大战爆发了，战争几乎使他脱离了他的产业和营生。但他总算是渡过了难关，到了战争结束时，他实际上比战前更加富有了。他收购了更多的橡胶种植园，还在中国国内和国外开设了许多经销产品的销售机构。在47岁那一年，他想到要在厦门创办一所大学。起初，他曾邀请当时正在南方的汪精卫先生担任校长，但遭到了婉拒。1921年，厦门大学正式宣告成立时，便聘用了林文庆医生担任校长。

1925年，橡胶市场的萧条初露端倪，陈先生不得不取消了分别给厦门、福州和上海赠建一座图书馆的计划。他为此抱憾至今，在（《东方杂志》）那篇自述中他认为，这是生平最令他扫兴的一件事。1928年春，济南惨案^3发生后，他成了南洋抵制运动中的领袖人物。这种表现激怒了日本人，他们开始在南洋更猖獗地推行橡胶产品的倾销政策。陈先生的生意受到重创，四年后他被迫卖掉了所有的动产和不动产。

据他自己估算，他将近一半的财产都花在了教育事业上。单是厦门大学，他就捐赠了将近五百万美元。而且，他还是家乡农村一所小学和一所中学的创办者和主要资助人。陈先生对教育的重要性坚信不疑。尽管如今的他几近破产，他却仍然尽其所能帮助厦门大学在海外侨商中筹集资金。陈先生懂得这样一条真理，人不能只靠面包生活。在他看来，钱只是一种达到目的的手段，那就是为同类服务。他确实是个商人，但是他绝不唯利是图。恰恰相反，他是个理想主义者——一个身处逆境却毫不气馁的理想主义者。目前，他可能不太顺利，但是绝没有出局！

［第16期，1934年4月19日］

DR. Y. T. TSUR (周诒春)

To many men Dr. Y. T. Tsur is a stern master at school and a beloved friend in life. It seems that his strict discipline of the students in school has laid the foundation of a friendship with them which becomes more and more enriched later in life. At school he was shunned and avoided; today he is much sought after. From his personality radiates a warmth which is not often known among the closest of friends.

As dean and later as president of Tsing Hua College he took his task seriously. He had an ideal in education and tried his best to give it expression. At first the students did not all understand him but gradually learned to grasp his conception of education. He not only enforced discipline but also took great interest in extra-curriculum activities of his students. His American training was so thorough that he even went so far as to introduce the idea of junior fraternities. But his work was not fully appreciated until he was suddenly forced to resign from the presidency because of political manipulations in other quarters. It was a sad day when he left for the faculty and students as well as for himself. For he loved his work as an artist loves his art. He had given his whole self to it and looked upon it not as a job but rather a medium of expression of an ideal. By force of circumstances he turned over the administration of the college to his successor, but at heart he never forgot his first love nor did Tsing Hua forget him. One of his concerns in life is how to unite the graduates of Tsing Hua to be an organized power for good in society. For this purpose he has taken more interest perhaps, in the promotion of Tsing Hua clubs than its alumni. Indeed, he is the soul and moving spirit of it all. Somehow through the long list of names of men who have occupied the presidency of Tsing Hua since its establishment in 1910, his name stands out as the one which is affiliated with the college and its alumni in a particularly affectionate way.

He loves drinking and enjoys wine tremendously. But he would not drink alone. It is seldom that one can find such a powerfully persuasive person with the wine cup at dinners. Now-a-days it is bad for his health if he should drink, but when he sits down at a table and enjoys the company, to the four winds with the doctor's order. He would drain his cup with you one after another the while telling you that he knows he is going to have a bad headache all the next day. So he goes along. He has a headache every day and he has his drinks with his friends every evening. He likes wine and enjoys comradeship.

But life is not worth anything if he is not kept busy. From morning till night he toils and works on some scheme which will meet a social need or solve a social problem. He may talk to you as if he were a pessimist beyond redemption, but his own activities are always prompted by unblenching idealism. As a matter of fact, he is today a hard worker who does not get paid for it. In Peiping or in Shanghai he is the most effective public citizen wherever he is found. He cannot be said to be rich or even well-to-do, but he is most lavish in digging into his own pocket in order to induce a millionaire to make a contribution to a worthy cause.

Proud as a Lucifer, he never tolerates an act which injures his dignity. Such an insult he would not take even from his closest friend. He is humble in admitting his own mistakes when his attention is directed to them in a friendly way, but even in his fifties he would have none of the foolishness which hurts his pride.

The trouble with him is that he takes life too seriously for present-day China. In spite of his manifold experiences in life he is altogether too conscientious. He took to teaching again recently and his students complained that his lectures were too substantial and the assigned readings were too long at first. But he persisted and talked to the students like a father, and they were later educated to the right point of view. He was also offered a post in the government within the last year but the outline of program which he presented as a condition of his acceptance of office scared his immediate superior, and the appointment did not materialize.

He is wiser today through his many disappointments. But where he excels others whom we revere is that he has regained his romanticism in life through his disillusions. In other words, he has got hold of what may be called the "second wind" and the strength of his personality is irresistable.

[No. 17; Apr. 26, 1934]

周诒春博士^1

在许多人心目中，周诒春博士是学校里的严师、生活中的良友。他在学校里对学生的严格训练似乎为他们后来在生活中日渐加深的友谊奠定了基础。当年在学校时，人们会躲闪他、避开他；如今他却成了人们追求的对象。从他的身上常散发出一种在最亲密的朋友之间也不常见的热情。

他在清华学校担当教务长，后来出任校长，工作都极其认真。他对教育抱有理想，并为实现理想而竭尽全力。起初，学生们并不全都理解，但是经过一段时间也就逐渐懂得了他的教育理念。他并不单纯只抓课堂纪律，还很关心学生们的课外活动。美国的教育对他影响至深，他把组建学生联谊会的做法也引进来了。但是直到他突然由于其他方面的政治倾轧而被迫离职时，他的工作才得到了充分的赏识。他离职的那一天，对于他领导下的教职员、他的学生和他自己，都是可悲的一天。因为他爱他的工作，就像艺术家之爱艺术。他在工作中投入了全部身心，他并不是把工作看成一个职业，而看成为实现他心头理想的一种手段。迫于形势，他把学校的行政管理交给了继任，但是在他内心深处却从来也不曾忘记他的“初恋”，清华也没有忘掉他。他生平关心的大事之一，就是把清华的毕业生联合成一支永远的有组织的社会力量。他为此而大力提倡成立各种清华社团，他在这方面的兴趣也许超过了其他清华毕业生。事实上，他是这一切的灵魂和策划人。反正，自从1910年清华成立以来，2在担任过校长的一长串名单上，他的名字是以一种独特的、充满感情的方式和这个学校及其毕业生们联结在一起的。

他爱喝酒，非常爱喝，但是他不会自斟自饮。在酒桌上，很少能够发现这么能言善辩的人。最近一个时期，再喝酒就会损害他的健康，但是，当他在餐桌旁坐下来，愉快地和朋友们在一起时，他就会把医嘱抛到九霄云外，一边告诉你他知道第二天一整天都会头痛不已，却一边和你一杯接一杯地把酒喝光。他就这样一天天度过，每个白天都头痛，每个夜晚却都和朋友们在一起推杯换盏。他喜欢酒，也喜欢交友。

但是，如果他不是不断地忙碌，生命便没有价值。从早到晚，他总是在为什么计划而辛勤劳动着，以满足某种社会需要或是解决某个社会问题。他可以像个无可救药的悲观主义者那样对你说话，支持他实际活动的却是无畏的理想主义。今日的周诒春，实在是一名勤奋工作而尚未获得补偿的劳动者。在北平或是在上海，无论在什么位置上，他都是一名颇有影响的公众人物。他说不上富有，甚至算不得小康，但是为了劝导一名百万富翁拿出钱来赞助一项有意义的事业，他会毫不吝惜地掏自己的腰包。

他为人高傲，绝不容许任何一点有损他尊严的事情，哪怕这种侮辱来自他的挚友。如果有人以友好的方式指出了他的过失，他也能谦虚地承认错误，但是甚至到了五十多岁的年纪，他也不愿让任何蠢事来玷污他的清高。

他的麻烦在于，在现今的中国，他对待生活的态度显得过分严肃。尽管有着复杂曲折的人生经历，他处事为人还是太较真了。最近，他又重登讲坛，而他的学生—开始总是抱怨他的课内容太多，布置的阅读材料又太长。但是他不为所动，而是像父亲一样和学生们谈心，他们后来也终于接受了正确的观点。去年，他本来是有机会担任政府职务的，但是他作为接受任命条件而提出的工作大纲吓坏了他的顶头上司，拟议中的任命便以流产告终。

经历过多次的挫折，他已经变得聪明一些。但是，使他和我们尊敬的其他人相比而胜出一筹的，是在经历过种种的幻灭之后，他又恢复了对待生活的浪漫主义精神。换句话说，他又恢复了元气，他的人格魅力是不可抗拒的。

［第17期，1934年4月26日］

KU MENG-YU (顾孟余)

Among the political lights of today, there is one who does not get very much publicity and who cares very little for it. Noted among the Kuomintang Reorganizationists as the tactician and now Minister of Railways, Ku shuns the limelight rather than seeks for it. That is the way with all tacticians, as, e.g., Colonel House behind President Wilson. A man who loves silence rather than speech. You might call on him and after an exchange of greetings, there might be a dead silence of three minutes with absolutely no sense of obligation on his part to break it. It suggests peace of mind and mental calm. But as an ordinary human being usually cannot stand staring at another person for more than three minutes, every time it is the caller who breaks it. Meanwhile, he has surveyed you inside and out; and his answers, short and sharp, leave you a little ashamed of your garrulity.

That does not mean Ku never waxes eloquent. It is reported that during the Hankow regime, Ku was the one who alone could hold his own against Borodin in a debate of political and economic analysis of present-day China. For Ku is by profession a professor of economics and former dean of the Peking National University. The way to induce him to talk is to make a ghastly blunder on an academic question which appeals to his essentially professorial type of mind. Then it is that he will let loose his tongue and present you with arguments "A," "B" and "C," developing them with a clear and succinct logic, and more occupied in showing the reasons for his opinions than in the opinions themselves. This type of academic analysis he sometimes applies to his visitors, too. For as a result of interviewing the many callers on the ministry, he has evolved a perfect theory about the form and composition of Chinese interviews. He says Chinese interviews are usually divided into four parts. Firstly, the weather. Secondly, reminiscences on old associations and common friends. Thirdly, comments on current politics. And fourthly, the real business of the call. He says the first three parts usually take half an hour or so, and the last part usually takes five minutes. Thus you could picture him counting the minutes and different stages of the conversation while an interviewer showers him with brilliant remarks on the Sino-Japanese foreign policy or the latest political tangle. That suggests a sort of dry academic humour, and his laughter, too, is also a dry intellectual laughter, never boisterous and never emotional.

Ku is never noted for physical energy. He shuns committee meetings and takes regular afternoon naps. Naturally of a weak constitution, his hygiene is essentially of the negative character, aiming at conservation of energy rather than stimulating the blood circulation, in accordance with the Chinese orthodox theory of hygiene, and in direct contradiction to the Western idea of sport. A comparatively tall man for a Chinese, thin, and wearing spectacles and a well-trimmed moustache, he looks more a college professor than a prosperous minister. And he is destined to shine more in the secret sessions of the privy council than on the political pulpit. Certainly he can never shine on a mountain hike.

His mind is a strange combination of Western training and Chinese temperament. For he never gets into rage and ruffles his hair as you could easily imagine Lloyd George doing so while pacing about in his study. He also would not go to work like a Lloyd George or an American Senator who could sit in a continuous session of twenty-four hours. He has plans and objectives that he silently works for, but he need not be in a hurry to carry them out. He would leave them alone if the present moment is not propitious. These plans and objectives would then be tucked away somewhere back in his head, and he recovers the same equanimity as if he had never intended to carry them out. That is his weakness, a typically Chinese weakness. But he has a German-trained and essentially modern mind, a mind which has received the scientific discipline. And he sticks to certain principles, some of which are highly un-Chinese. One of them is his keeping clear of all relatives, for none of them has received a political job under his aegis. It is again that cool professorial mind working, as dispassionate as if he were writing an academic thesis or dissecting a bad piece of composition.

What is going on in his mind now nobody knows, except his wife. Many people say that Ku would never have become an active revolutionist had it not been for his revolutionary wife. He has too much of the professor in him. But there again, nobody knows what is going on in Madame Ku's mind, for there is another person who does not get much publicity and who cares very little for it.

[No. 18; May 3, 1934]

顾孟余^1

在今日中国政界众多要人中，有一位很少受到公众关注，他自己也并不介意。国民党改组派的出谋划策之士、现任铁道部部长的顾孟余，从不追求公众关注，倒是刻意避免抛头露面。那是多数谋士的为官之道，比如说，就像威尔逊总统^2背后的豪斯上校^3。他喜欢沉默，不爱说话。你可以去拜访他，但是，寒暄过后，很可能就会出现一个三分钟之久的冷场，而他绝不会意识到他有打破这种尴尬局面的义务。这表示他神宁气静、沉着镇定。但是普通人一般都忍受不了把别人狠狠地盯上三分钟，所以每次都是来客打破沉默。就在这段时间里，他已经把你里里外外全都观察了个透。他的回答简短而犀利，会使你为自己的唠叨感到有点儿惭愧。

那并不意味着顾孟余从不施展他的雄辩口才。据报道，武汉政府时期，在一次有关于当时中国政治经济形势分析的争论中，他曾单枪匹马舌战鲍罗廷^4。因为顾孟余是经济学教授，曾在国立北京大学任经济系主任之职。要想让他开口说话，只消在学术性问题上犯一个愚蠢的错误，就能触动他本质上教授型的头脑。这时，他就会打开话闸，向你提出他的论点一、论点二、论点三，然后再用明确、简洁的逻辑加以展开。他专注于阐明理由往往更甚于阐明意见本身。有时，他也把这种学术性分析应用到来访的客人身上。由于接见过许多到部里来的访谈者，他对中国式访谈的形式和内容构成推演出了一套完善的理论。他说，中国式的访谈通常可以分成四个部分：第一，先谈谈天气；第二，怀念一下老同事和共同的朋友；第三，议论议论时政；第四，说明来访的真正原因。他说，前三部分通常要占半个小时左右，最后一部分，也就五分钟。这样，你就可以想象，来访者在滔滔不绝地讲中日外交政策和最近的混乱局势的时候，他却在计算着已经进行了多少分钟、到了谈话的第几个阶段。这使人想到一种不动声色的学院式幽默，他的笑，也是一种不动声色的、理性的笑，从不发出喧闹的声响，从来不动感情。

顾孟余从不以体能著称。他总是回避委员会议，要睡每天必睡的午觉。他天生体质较弱，他的保健方法主要是消极的，只在于保存体能，而不是促进血液循环。这符合中国传统的养生之道，却和西方的运动观念相抵触。作为一个中国人来说，他身材较高，体态清瘦，戴着眼镜，有一撮修剪整齐的胡髭，看上去更像是大学教授，而不像个官运亨通的部长。他注定了更适合于在智囊团的秘密会议上焕发光彩，而不是在政治讲坛上频频亮相。当然了，他绝不可能在徒步山地旅行中出人头地。

他的头脑是西方教育和中国气质的奇妙结合。因为，你可以很容易想象到劳合·乔治^5一边在书房里来回踱步，一边勃然大怒，挠着头发，而顾孟余却绝对不会。他也不会像劳合·乔治或是美国参议员那样坐在会议桌前连续开24小时的会。他有自己为之默默工作的计划和目标，但是他没有急于完成的必要。如果当时觉得并不顺手，他也可能把这些计划和目标搁置一边，完全置诸脑后，他仍能处之泰然，就像从来也没有想过要将其实现一样。这是他的弱点，典型的中国式弱点。但是他也有一颗受过日耳曼教育、本质上现代的新式头脑，一颗受过科学训练的头脑。他坚守一定的原则，有些是极其非中国式的原则。其中之一，就是不和亲属交往，没有一个亲属曾因他的照顾谋得一官半职。这也是他那颗教授型头脑在起作用，一点儿不动感情，就像是在写一篇学术论文，或是在分析一部糟糕的作品。

除了他的妻子，他的脑子里此刻在想什么，谁也不知道。有许多人说，如果没有一个革命的妻子，顾孟余无论如何不会成为一个积极的革命派。他骨子里有太多的教授成分。但是，同样，也没有人会知道顾太太的脑子里此刻在想什么，因为她也很少抛头露面，而且对此也很不在乎。

［第18期，1934年5月3日］

GEORGE T. YEH (叶公超)

There is no English equivalent to the Chinese term ming shih (名士) just as there is no Chinese equivalent to the English word "gentleman." "Aesthete" seems as near as one can possibly get in English to a correct translation of the term ming shih, in the light of that illuminating chapter on "The Aesthetic Type" in Osbert Burdett's book The Beardsley Period. But the word "aesthete" is apt to bring to mind the lilies and languors of an Ernest Dowson, anemic and emaciated; while a ming shih, on the other hand, may be even brawny, full-blooded, of the earth, earthy like(say) Dr. Johnson or Prof. George T. Yeh.

Prof. Yeh's appearance is impressive and almost majestic. He is a six-footer, of a heavy build, swarthy and handsome. He has broad shoulders, a carrying voice, a jaw just on this side of squareness, and walks with a perceptible swagger. In spite of his aestheticism, he looks an athlete all over. We are told that he played tennis wonderfully well during his salad days. But we might guess the fact even without being told of it; for anyone who has conversed with Prof. Yeh will know how skilfully he can "keep the ball rolling" in conversation.

Indeed, he is one of those remarkable talkers who have at command more than one conversational style. Epigram and small talk are equally his fortes. But he is at his best in the digressive style, whether it be the freely associational manner of Mrs. Nickleby or the rambling allusiveness of Charles Lamb of whom, by the way, Prof. Yeh has a towering admiration. Like Johnson, he does not suffer interruption gladly, particularly interruption from a youngster whose role is to cock his ears and listen. I still remember my first talk with him in his charming study five years ago. I was a self-conscious jackanapes then; flushed with a grandiose sense of my own importance and primed with borrowed wit and wisdom, I tried desperately to get in a word edgewise to make a display. After having made several futile attempts to put a spoke on Prof. Yeh's conversational wheel, I had at last the good sense to give up the attempt as impossible and sink back in Prof. Yeh's comfortable sofas (the most comfortable sofas in Tsing Hua), and sip Prof. Yeh's famous Pu-er (普洱) tea and allow Prof. Yeh to spin on without let or hindrance his reams and reams of interesting talk. Literature forms the staple of his talk of course; but one can never draw a line at anything in his "dualogue" which ranges over the whole encyclopaedia—everything under the sun and something above it.

Prof. Yeh suffers as a lecturer from the defects of his qualities as a talker. His lectures are without programme or outline, trusting all to improvisation and mother-wit. His lectures upset all our preconceived notions of what lectures should be. They are full of surprises and shock tactics; and this unexpectedness constitutes not the least of their charms. They abound in brilliant apercus and profound asides but lack in system and organisation. Although they are so invigorating that one should ask for nothing better, yet dull students whose besetting virtue is note-taking and who come to class with the sincere hope to have their empty heads crammed with well-ordered facts, are apt to find them baffling. But then, so much the worse for dull students! What cares Prof. Yeh for them? He is all for educating a few individuals at the expense of the whole class.

Prof. Yeh is a literary free lance. He is too broad-minded to belong to any one clique or make common cause with any one faction. Like Mr. Yuan-ning Wen, he keeps himself abreast of every latest tendency in art and literature. Both are dilettantes or amateurs in the best sense of the words. I have often compared them to two reeds through which every prevailing wind of doctrine blows into exquisite music. In this respect, they are diametrically opposite to that single-hearted humanist Prof. Wu Mi who, a doctrinaire among his dilettantish colleagues, seems to invert the moral of Aesop's famous fable and suffer from the self-consciousness of a fox with a tail. All the same, these three professors are the three musketeers in the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature of Tsing Hua: Yeh suggests Porthos even in physical appearance; Wu, at once moralistic and romantic, certainly reminds us of Aramis; and Wen with his urbanity and resourcefulness resembles not a little Athos. Et D'artagnan?

Prof. Yeh is a first-rate essayist and critic. He had encouraged essay-writing long before it came into vogue and has perhaps the largest collection of English essays in China. His recent critical papers are especially interesting; e.g. the distinction he draws between impressions as the data of criticism and impressionism as the methodology of criticism, is probably of permanent validity. In spite of his overbearing presence and his uproarious laughter which possesses all the sinister qualities of the Whistlerian "Ha! Ha!" he is at bottom very shy, very sensitive and fastidious, not unlike the man he loves so much—Charles Lamb.

[No. 20; May 17, 1934]

叶公超^1

英文里没有一个词能和中文的“名士”完全对应，就像中文里没有一个词能和英文的gentleman对应一样。在英文里能够找来最接近“名士”翻译的，似乎只有aesthete一词，根据是奥斯伯特·伯德特^2所著《比尔兹利^3时期》一书 “审美型”一章所描绘的那种人。但是这个词容易使人想起厄内斯特·道森的百合和倦怠，憔悴、无精打采；名士则不然，可以十分健壮，精神旺盛，富于人间烟火味，就像（比如说）约翰逊博士或是叶公超教授那样凡俗。

叶教授一表人才，甚至可以说仪态威严。他身高六英尺，体态结实，皮肤黝黑，相貌英俊。他肩膀宽阔，嗓音洪亮，下颌略显方正，走路时昂首阔步。尽管具有名士气质，他整体看来却像是运动场上的一条好汉。据说，少不更事时，他可是个网球高手。其实，没有人说我们也能猜得到，因为任何一个和叶教授交谈过的人都会知道，他能多么巧妙地使谈话像滚球一般继续下去而不中断。

事实上，他非常健谈，谈话方式也不止一端。妙语连珠和寒暄闲谈，他都擅长。他表现得最为出色的，是谈话时偏离主题：不论是尼克贝太太^4的自由联想，还是查尔斯·兰姆的东拉西扯、引经据典。附带说一句，叶教授对兰姆崇拜得无以复加。像约翰逊一样，他也不喜欢被别人打断话头，尤其不喜欢被只有资格竖起耳朵恭听的年轻人打断。我还记得五年前在他那令人愉快的书房里，第一次和他谈话时的情景。那时，我还是个有点儿腼腆又有点儿顽皮的年轻人，自以为了不起而激动得面色绯红，满肚子借来的诙谐和智慧。我费尽心机，力争插嘴以一展才华。我好几次试图在叶教授的讲话车轮中插入一根辐条，却徒劳无功，最终知趣地放弃了这种无望的尝试，把身体深埋进叶教授家舒适的沙发（清华最舒适的沙发），呷着叶教授家著名的普洱茶，听任叶教授把他有趣的长篇大论无所障碍地一直讲下去。文学当然是他谈话的主轴，但是谁也无法为他“对话”中提到的事物划出界线，他的谈话涉及百科全书的所有范围——太阳底下的一切，外加太阳之上的一些话题。

叶教授作为讲师的品质受到了健谈者品质缺陷的影响。他讲课没有教案或大纲，全凭即兴发挥和天资。他的讲课完全推翻了我们对于何谓讲课的固有观念。他的讲课充满了意外和突如其来的策略，而这种出人意料的特点却丝毫不能构成他课堂的魅力。他的课上充满了睿智的洞见和深刻的题外话，但是缺乏系统和条理。尽管他的课听着起劲，学生应该别无他求，但是资质较差的学生常有的优良品质就是在课堂上记笔记，他们来上课是真诚地希望给空白的头脑装填进有条不紊的知识。他们听到这样的课就会感到困惑。然而，更糟的是，叶教授根本不在意这样的学生，他为了教好少数学生而不惜牺牲其他学生。

叶教授是一个文学上自行其是的人，他思想过于开阔而不可能从属于任何小团体，也不可能和任何派别合作。像温源宁先生一样，他也紧跟艺术和文学的最新发展情况。他们两人全都是最佳意义上的票友或业余文艺爱好者。我常把他们比作两根芦苇，每一阵流行的理论劲风都能从中吹奏出优美的音乐。在这方面，他们都和一心一意的人文主义者吴宓教授正好相反。在业余爱好文艺的同事们中间，比较教条的吴教授似乎把伊索著名寓言的寓意颠倒过来了，他知道自己是有尾巴的狐狸^5而感觉别扭。尽管如此，这三位教授仍然是清华外国语言文学系里的三剑客^6：叶，甚至连长相都会使人想起波尔朵斯；吴，既道学又很浪漫，确实使我们联想到阿拉密斯；而温，由于他的温文尔雅、足智多谋，就非常像阿多斯了。那，达达尼昂呢？

叶教授是第一流的随笔作家和评论家。随笔流行之前很久，他就在提倡这种写作了。他的英文随笔藏书数量在中国也许是最多的。他最近的评论文章尤为引人关注，例如，他在作为评论素材的印象和作为评论方法的印象主义之间作出的区分，就很可能永远正确。尽管他有些盛气凌人，那震耳欲聋的笑声具有惠斯勒^7式的“哈！哈！”的阴险品质，他实际上是个相当腼腆、敏感的人，又极挑剔，不能不说正像他热爱至深的那个人——查尔斯·兰姆。

［第20期，1934年5月17日］

DR. LIM BOON KENG (林文庆)

By profession, Dr. Lim Boon Keng is a doctor; by inclination, a scholar; by reputation, a business man; and by accident, an educationalist. In reality, he is neither a doctor, a scholar, a business man, nor an educationalist: his real profession is to be a celebrity. He would like—just to be well known. If he can be well known as a theologian, well and good; if as a doctor, well and good also; but the great thing with him is to be well known, everything else is ancillary to that. Nothing he does, but is a peg for him to hang up his name upon. Nothing he writes, but is a sort of advertisement for himself. "And when he opens his mouth, let no dogs bark!"

I believe it was Lord Brougham who first said that the aim of education was to make a man know something of everything, and everything of something. In an essay On Reading, in The Pleasures of Life, a book very much read 40 years ago, Lord Avebury tried to translate into practice the first half of Lord Brougham's dictum, by drawing up a list of the hundred best books, ranging from the Bible, the Koran, to Gilbert White's Natural History of Selborne. I cannot swear Dr. Lim has read all through Lord Avebury's hundred best books, but I have a sneaking suspicion he would like people to think that he has done so. Maybe he has, maybe he hasn't. But this I know— "everything of something" he has not compassed, not even in medicine, which he has studied as a profession. The result is an hors d'oeuvres sort of mind—a smattering of everything: a hotch, composed of a bewildering variety of things. Ask Dr. Lim about Confucius, and he could hold forth for the length of an hour-glass, trotting out all the choice commonplaces he has culled from Legge; but after he has done so, we may be comfortably sure, he has said all—and, perhaps, more than he knows upon the subject. Ask him about earthworms, and he would at once detail to us the researches he has made on them, long years back. And parasitic plants? Why, of course, they are his hobby. It seems Dr. Lim has everything, which King Solomon had, except the wisdom, and—shall I also add? —the knowledge.

As with his mind, so also in his relationships with people: he has a nodding acquaintance with everybody; but friends, none! It is not in his nature to cling to anything for long. He is essentially a nomad. And nomads can either have leaders or followers, but not equals. Now friendship exists only among equals. Since Dr. Lim is a nomad and aspires to be a leader, it obviously follows that he can only have followers; and followers, it is well known, are very apt to degenerate into sycophants. A person would be more than human, who could resist the heady wine which sycophants pour out daily for him to drink. Dr. Lim is certainly not such a person. His entourage can only aggravate the itch which is already in him—the desire to be well known.

It is a misfortune for which Dr. Lim is not responsible that he should have been made President of Amoy University. I hear he is not appreciated there. I know there are places in Shanghai which would suit him perfectly: I refer to the cabarets. With his dapper little figure, his restless eyes, and his fine beard which hides a multitude of sins, Dr. Lim's thin voice, discoursing on philosophy and God and Mammon, would not be unwelcome, coming in between the rattle of the wine-glasses, the inane talk of the dancing-girls, and the syncopation of the orchestra.

[No. 22; May 31, 1934]

林文庆医生^1

林文庆医生，论职业，是一名医师；讲兴趣，是一位学者；谈声誉，是一个商人；出于偶然，还成了教育家。实际上，他既不是医师，也不是学者，既不是商人，也不是教育家。他真正的职业，是努力成名。他想要的，就只是出名。如果作为神学家能够出名，那很好；如果作为医师能够出名，也很好。对于他来说，最重要的是出名，其余的一切全都是次要的。他做事情，无非是钉一颗挂钉，以便挂上他的大名。他写文章，无非是为自己做一个广告。“他把嘴张开的时候，所有的狗都不许乱叫！”2

我相信是布鲁厄姆勋爵^3第一个说过，教育的目的在于使人通百艺而专一长。《生活的乐趣》是40年前很多人读过的一本书，在《论读书》一文中，埃夫伯里勋爵^4曾试图把布鲁厄姆名言的第一部分付诸实践。他拟定了一份100部名著的书目，从《圣经》、《古兰经》到吉尔伯特·怀特^5的《塞尔伯恩博物志》，应有尽有。我不能保证林医生通读了埃夫伯里勋爵所选的名著，但是我却暗自怀疑，他是希望人们以为他都通读过了的。也许他通读过，也许没有。但是有一点我是知道的——专一长，他并没有做到，甚至未能全面掌握作为专业攻读过的医学。其结果是，一种“餐前开胃小吃”式的头脑——对于一切事物都一知半解，一种繁杂得令人头晕的知识大杂烩。你向林医生请教有关孔夫子的问题，他可以讲上个把小时理雅各^6著作里的陈词滥调。等他说完了，我们可以确信，他已经说出了他所知道的全部——也许，比他所知道的全部还要多。问他有关蚯蚓的问题，他立刻就会对我们详细叙述好多年以前他对蚯蚓做过的研究。还有寄生植物？嗨，当然，那是他的业余爱好。林医生好像什么都有，所罗门王^7有的他都有，只是除了智慧和——要不要我再补充一点？——知识。

他的人际关系就像他的头脑一样，和每个人都是点头之交，而朋友，却一个也没有！对于任何事物的长久执著都有违他的本性。他实质上是一个游牧民。游牧民中只有首领或随从，不存在平等的成员，而友谊只存在于平等的友人之间。既然林医生是个游牧民，而且期望成为首领，他显然就只能拥有追随者。而追随者，如所周知，是很容易堕落成为谄媚之徒的。只有具备超人品质的人才抵抗得了谄媚之徒每天灌给他的醉人烈酒，而林医生肯定不是这种人。他周围的那些人只能又加强他心中既有的渴望——但求出名的渴望。

不幸的是，林医生居然会被任命为厦门大学校长，尽管这不该由他自己负责。我听说，他在那里不受欢迎。我知道，上海有些地方对于他倒是再合适不过，我指的是那些歌舞表演的夜总会。林医生那矫健活泼的小个子，永远转动着的眼珠，那一副遮掩着许多罪过的美髯，谈论着哲学、上帝和财神的尖细嗓音，夹杂在玻璃酒杯的碰撞声、舞女们愚蠢的谈话和管弦乐队的切分音之间，未尝不受欢迎。

［第22期，1934年5月31日］

DR. LIM BOON KENG, ONCE MORE

The China Critic has much pleasure in printing the following spirited defence of Dr. Lim Boon Keng, written in reply to the pen-sketch of him, which appeared in our last issue. —Wen Yuan-ning.

Editor,

The China Critic

Sir: —The so-called "intimate portrait" of Dr. Lim Boon Keng, for which one of your contributing editors is responsible, is, to my mind, one of the most scurrilous diatribes ever inflicted on the reading public. May I enquire what special qualifications the writer possesses for pretending to offer us an "intimate" picture of Dr. Lim, and what grounds he has for his startling generalisations?

It is doubtless correct that Dr. Lim is "by profession... a doctor; by inclination a scholar, by reputation a business man; and by accident an educationalist." But for what reasons is he "neither a doctor, a scholar, a business man nor an educationalist"? Far be it from me to indulge in any verbal quibbling, but unless there have been some recent fundamental changes in the meanings of English words which have escaped my notice, it would appear that Dr. Lim is all that your contributing editor denies him to be, whether your C.E. chooses to consider the broad or the narrow significance of those descriptive names. Are Dr. Lim's Edinburgh and Cantab. medical degrees, for instance, entirely meaningless? True, he is not in active practice, but that fact does not make him any the less a medical man—he is, in fact, a B.M. and C.M. of those British universities. The bald statement that "his real profession is to be a celebrity," seems to be a gratuitous insult hurled at the head of a person who, your contributing editor is doubtless aware, will not, and cannot, trouble to hit back at this specimen of the cheapest of cheap jibes. A man is a "celebrity" or otherwise according to what he has or has not done; and as it would appear that your C.E. has been specially well-informed regarding the manner and extent that Dr. Lim has sought notoriety, perhaps he will be good enough to substantiate his indictment with facts—not "sneaking suspicions," hear-say or personal opinion, for my enlightenment and that of others.

Your C.E. also declared that "nothing he does, but is a peg for him to hang his name upon. Nothing he writes, but is a sort of advertisement for himself...." Would the fact that Dr. Lim gave up a lucrative medical practice, as well as other businesses, in Singapore, in exchange for a comparatively insignificant competence as head of Amoy University count for nothing in the eyes of your C.E., or will the latter even suggest that the very same fact goes to support his imputation of an ulterior motive?

Anent the saying of Lord Brougham's, I submit that, like most epigrams, it is fallacious if one pushes it to logical extremes, as your C.E. obviously is doing. Individual tastes and opinions naturally and necessarily differ in a variety of things, and what Lord Avebury thought to be the best books 40 years, or more, ago, may not be similarly regarded by humbler folks, and in this generation. So it seems to me neither relevant for your C.E. to confess being unable to "swear Dr. Lim has read through Lord Avebury's hundred best books," nor at all warranted for the former to avow a "sneaking suspicion that he [Dr. Lim] would like people to think that he has done so." May I ask what are the grounds for the "sneaking suspicion" that are substantial enough to justify the slashing attack upon a man couched in words like these: "It seems Dr. Lim has everything which King Solomon had, except the wisdom; and—shall I also add? —the knowledge"? And why should not the suspicion be an honest instead of a "sneaking" one? If Dr. Lim is, to speak plainly, such a humbug, as your well-informed C.E. would have one believe from the tenour of his supposed "intimate" pen-portrait, is it fair to ask that he should know and heed what a long-deceased member of the English nobility with leisure and literary tastes thought and said half a century ago?

But surely "the most unkindest cut of all" is your C.E.'s firm conviction that the "everything of something" of Lord Brougham's, Dr. Lim "has not compassed, not even in medicine, which he has studied as a profession."It is highly probable that since Dr. Lim took up the Presidency of Amoy University thirteen years ago, he has not kept himself abreast of the developments of medical science—as is the case with even many a practitioner actively engaged in his profession. It is certainly a demand which even extraordinary genius can hardly fulfil, to require Dr. Lim, as your hyper-critical C.E. would do, a knowledge of everything there is to know about his profession. Is there any scientist, any savant, or any other learned person bold enough to pretend that he knows everything of the subject of his special study—unless the same be a quack? Perhaps, your C.E. as a journalist (I presume that is his profession) knows all there is to know about his trade, so he exacts the same high qualifications of everybody else.

Then, again, your C.E. comes out with the jewel of wisdom which apparently Dr. Lim and everybody else lack. I gather that the former has made an exhaustive study of nomads, and nomad life to declare so emphatically what has never appeared to be realised by the majority of the people, or has hitherto escaped the observation of folks less lynx-eyed than he. "Nomads can either have leaders or followers, but not equals," we are told. Therefore, Dr. Lim being a nomad, has no equals, but only followers, who are necessarily sycophants, whose whisperings have turned Dr. Lim's head—and ergo, Dr. Lim's place is in the cabarets! Devastating logic indeed! With regard to the above revelations about nomads, one gathers that nomad tribes and states—as the Mongols, for instance—are nothing but a hierarchy of dizzy proportions, the number of ranks and titles corresponding to the number of their population—there being no equals. If the undersigned may offer a suggestion, it is that your learned C.E. publish for the edification of this abysmally ignorant world his revelations about the nomads and their social hierarchy.

To conclude, your C.E. paints such a vivid picture of Shanghai's cabarets, that if only for the experience, Dr. Lim would do well to go to the haunts of the night-owls, and trip the light fantastic toe. For which, apparently, there is no more competent guide than your "admirable Crichton."

With apologies for the space I have taken, I request that you will be good enough to give this entire letter the same publicity that you have given your C.E. for what I and most people will consider—unless your C.E. substantiates fully his allegations against Dr. Lim—a most dastardly and cowardly attack on a gentleman. Honourable journalism demands and allows fair-play, and the deliberate aspersions should not in fairness be allowed to pass, and thereby be admitted in default of a challenge. I am in no way connected with Dr. Lim, and hold no brief for him; but as an Overseas Chinese who has read your review both abroad as well as here, I think it is only fair that a man's character should not be so outrageously and publicly assailed unless there are reasonable grounds therefor, —which is nothing more and nothing less than what I am asking.

Yours faithfully,

F. T. WANG

Shanghai, June 1.

[No. 23; June 7, 1934]

林文庆医生之二

《中国评论周报》非常高兴能刊载以下这篇为林文庆医生竭力辩护的文章，此文是对于本刊上期所载相关速写的回应。——温源宁

《中国评论周报》编辑先生：

你们某个编辑撰写的所谓林文庆医生的“亲切写真”，在我看来是读者大众所能读到的最下流的诽谤之一。我是否可以求教：这位作者具有怎样一种特殊的资格而能够假装着来为我们描绘一幅林医生的“亲切”画像，他又是根据什么发表了他那些令人吃惊的议论？

林医生，“论职业，是一名医师；讲兴趣，是一位学者；谈声誉，是一个商人；出于偶然，还成了教育家”，这毫无疑问是正确的。但是，凭什么理由说他“既不是医师，也不是学者，既不是商人，也不是教育家”呢？我并不想对措辞吹毛求疵，但除非是英语词汇的语义近来发生了我未能注意到的根本性改变，否则林医生正好就是你们的撰稿编辑试图否认的那几种人，不论他在使用那些描述性名称时是选择了它们广义的还是狭义的含义。难道，举例说，林医生在爱丁堡和剑桥获得的医学学位就完全毫无意义？不错，他目前没有行医，然而这一事实丝毫也不能改变他作为医生的资格和身份——事实上，他是英国那两所大学的医学学士和外科硕士。用那样毫不掩饰的言辞说 “他真正的职业，是努力成名”，是对于这样一位先生的无端侮辱。你们的撰稿编辑显然知道，这位先生是不会费心反驳这种卑劣侮辱当中最卑劣的谩骂的。一个人之所以是“名人”抑或不是，取决于他做了些什么、没做什么。由于你们的编辑对林医生谋求成名的方式和范围似乎是了如指掌，也许他可以用事实来支持他的指控——而不是“暗自怀疑”、道听途说或个人意见，以消释我和别人的心头疑问。

你们的编辑还声称，“他做事情，无非是钉一颗挂钉，以便挂上他的大名。他写文章，无非是为自己做一个广告……”。林医生放弃了他在新加坡赢利颇丰的诊所和其他商业营生，来换取厦门大学校长这样一个比较而言无足轻重的职位，在你们编辑的眼里是不是也算不得什么？抑或他甚至会暗示，这样的事实正好支持他林医生有阴暗动机的诋毁呢？

关于布鲁厄姆勋爵的那句话，我认为，像大多数名言警句一样，如果被推到逻辑的极端——你们的编辑显然在这样做——就会成为谬误。对不同的事物，不同的人自然而且必然会有不同的感受、不同的见解。埃夫伯里勋爵在四十多年前认为是优秀读物的书^1，在我们这一代的一般人心目中未必会被同样看重。所以在我看来，你们的编辑承认他不能“保证林医生通读了埃夫伯里勋爵所选的名著”既毫不相干，也绝对不能证明他“暗自怀疑，他［林医生］是希望人们以为他都通读过了的”一说能够成立。我是否可以询问“暗自怀疑”的根据何在？那样的根据将能充分证实隐含在下列文字中的杀伤性攻击：“林医生好像什么都有，所罗门王有的他都有，只是除了智慧和——要不要我再补充一点？——知识。”为什么不老老实实、光明正大地怀疑，而要“暗自”怀疑？如果林医生果真是个骗子，说得直接点儿，就像你们那位消息灵通的撰稿编辑希望别人循着他的“亲切写真”所引导的思路去相信的那样，去要求这样一个人知道并注意到一个过世已久、既有闲暇又有文学素养的英国贵族成员半个世纪以前的所思和所言，这公平吗？

然而，“最缺乏善意而伤人感情的话语”是贵刊撰稿编辑坚信林医生并未掌握布鲁厄姆勋爵所说的“专一长”，“甚至未能全面掌握作为专业攻读过的医学”。非常可能的是，林医生在十三年前担任了厦门大学校长的职务以来，未能及时跟上医学的发展——许多甚至是正在行医的人士也是如此。就像贵刊那位极尽挑剔之能事的撰稿编辑所做的那样，要求林医生掌握他本专业既有的“全部”知识，这是一个非凡的天才也难以满足的要求。有任何一名科学家、一名博学之士，或是任何其他学者——除非他真是个骗子——敢于佯称掌握了他所研究学科的全部知识吗？也许，贵刊的撰稿编辑作为一名新闻工作者（我假定这是他的职业），知道他那一行的全部知识，所以才会对别人提出同样高的资质要求。

然后，还是贵刊这位撰稿编辑，一定具有林医生和其他所有人显然都不具备的非凡智慧。我猜测，这位编辑对游牧民族和游牧生活定是进行过深入广泛的研究，才会以如此肯定的语气宣布大多数人还未意识到，或是迄今为止目光不如他锐利的人们观察所忽略的现象。他告诉我们，“游牧民中只有首领或随从，不存在平等的成员。”因此，既然林医生是游牧民，他就没有平等的朋友，只有追随者，而追随者都必然是阿谀谄媚之辈，他们的悄声耳语会使得林医生头晕目眩——因此，林医生的位置，应在伴有歌舞表演的夜总会！真是令人震惊的逻辑！根据上述关于游牧民族的说法，人们就会推断，游牧部落和国家——比如蒙古人——只不过是令人迷惑、大小不等的人群所构成的等级组织，等级和称号则和他们人口的多少相称——完全没有平等的成员。如果笔者可以建议，我就要建议，为了给愚昧的世界以启迪，请贵刊那位有学问的撰稿编辑公开发表他揭示游牧民族及其社会等级的学识。

最后，贵刊撰稿编辑描绘了一幅上海伴有歌舞表演的夜总会的生动图画，以至于林医生即使是为了体验，最好也到那些夜猫子出没的场所去走走，并且移步起舞。显然，有关此道，最胜任的向导莫过于贵刊这位“令人钦佩的克赖顿^2”。

为占用贵刊篇幅表示歉意的同时，我请求贵刊能够慷慨允许此信全文刊出，就像贵刊撰稿编辑得以刊出他那篇评论一样；而他那篇文章，我和大多数人都认为是——除非这位编辑能为他对林医生的指责提供充分的证据——对一位正人君子最卑鄙、怯懦的攻击。值得尊敬的新闻工作要求而且允许公平竞争，蓄意的诽谤且不允反驳就公平而论就不得通过。我和林医生没有丝毫的瓜葛，也无意为他辩护；但是，作为一名在海外和在这里阅读过你们评论的华侨，我以为，一个人的人格，若无合理的根据，便不该受到如此无礼而公开的侮辱，这才合理——而这正是我现在所要求的。

您忠诚的

F. T.王

6月1日于上海

［第23期，1934年6月7日］

MISS HUANG LU-YING (黄庐隐)

An eighteenth century wit said of Madame de Staël that since there were no women geniuses, it would be a mistake to call her a woman. Although one would hesitate to call the late Miss Huang a woman genius, yet her friends would, I am sure, agree with me that by temperament she was every inch a man, in spite of the fact that she was one of the most feminine persons in appearance.

I do not wish of course to pose as an authority on the nature of women; but to my mind, one of the distinctly feminine characteristics is the possession of a matter-of-fact mind. Their lives are ordered by expediency, seldom by any definite ideals. Unlike men, who on the whole are more romantic in nature, they seldom lose themselves in the wilderness of fruitless speculations. They do not like to dally with new ideas; and for this reason, they have been rightly called the most conservative elements in society.

But no one would ever dream of calling Miss Huang a conservative! On the contrary, her life was but one long adventure. She broke many social conventions, not because she had a weakness for shocking the sensibilities of the sober-minded, but because she was earnestly convinced that righteousness was on her side. Many persons, it is true, would call her stubborn. In fact, she herself knew that stubbornness was one of her weaknesses. In her novel The Friend on the Seashore, she said of her heroine, whom everyone would recognise to be herself, that she was oftentimes extremely foolhardy. Such self-insight is indeed extremely rare! Be that as it may, Miss Huang's stubbornness is by no means of the erratic sort. She was stubborn not in the sense that a spoilt child is stubborn, but in the sense that a religious fanatic is. She dared to be herself, because she had the courage of her convictions. She knew that in living according to her ideals, she could never be wrong. What did the criticism of others matter, therefore, so long as she was sure that she was guided by the true light?

The true light, in this case, was none other than love—love not as an innocent pastime or as the satisfaction of one's physical nature, but as a religion, as life itself. She sacrificed everything for love, first by marrying a man who already had a wife, later by marrying, after the death of her first paramour, a man who is at least ten years younger than herself. She quarreled with her mother, and was disowned by her family, all because that to her, love was all.

To those who do not know her personally, Miss Huang will perhaps always be remembered as a writer of no mean ability; but to her friends, she will always remain in their memory as a woman who lived and died for love.

[No. 24; June 14, 1934]

黄庐隐女士^1

一位18世纪的文士谈到斯塔尔夫人^2时曾诙谐地说，既然没有女性天才，那么称她为女人就是个错误。虽然人们对于把已故的黄女士称为女天才会感到犹豫，但是我相信，她的朋友们会赞同我的看法——就气质而论，她的每一寸都是男人，尽管从外表来看，她又是最为女性的女人之一。

我当然不想假装是个评判女人天性的权威，但是在我心目中，拥有实事求是的头脑应该是最显著的女性特征之一。她们对待生活往往是随遇而安，而不是根据确定的理想有意安排。和男人不同，男人大体说来天性都较为浪漫，她们却很少会在毫无结果的沉思的荒原中迷失方向。她们不喜欢玩弄新思想，所以她们被称作社会上最保守的分子，这是正确的。

但是没有人会想到要称黄女士为保守分子！恰恰相反，她的生活简直就是一部长篇历险记。她打破过许多社会惯例，并不是因为她有那种癖好，存心要冲击头脑冷静人士的敏感神经，而是因为她真诚地相信正义在自己这边。真的，许多人都会说她固执。事实上，她自己也知道，固执是她的一个弱点。她在小说《海滨故人》中谈到女主人公时说，她常常极其鲁莽，而每个人都会认出那说的就是她自己。这样一种自知之明实在是极其罕见！尽管如此，黄女士的固执绝不属于乖僻的那种。她的固执不是宠坏了的孩子的那种固执，而是宗教狂热分子的固执。她敢于做她自己，是因为她有坚持信念的勇气。她知道，按照自己的理想去生活，她绝不可能错。所以，只要她确定自己是在真正的明光指引下，别人指责又有什么关系呢？

真正的明光，在这里，不是别的，而是爱——爱，不是一种天真的娱乐，不是对于生理本性的满足，而是一种宗教，是生活本身。她为爱牺牲一切：最初是嫁了一个有妇之夫；后来，第一个情夫死后，又嫁了一个比她至少小十岁的男人。她和母亲争吵，被逐出家门，都因为对于她来说，爱就是一切。

对于不认识黄女士的那些人，她也许永远会被当作一个颇有才华的作家；但是她的朋友们总会记得，她是一个为爱而生、为爱而死的女人。

［第24期，1934年6月14日］

MR. JOHN WONG-QUINCEY (王文显)

Tsing Hwa has seen many changes both of men and aims. From being a Middle School to prepare boys for the States, it has become a National Chinese University. From being an institution to teach boys to talk good Yankee English, and to look smart in foreign clothes, it has become a workshop to turn men and women into chemists, engineers, etc., etc. But through all these changes, there is one person in Tsing Hwa who has not changed—that person is none other than Mr. Wong-Quincey. He is a fixture there. Without him, Tsing Hwa will not be Tsing Hwa. With him, Tsing Hwa, in spite of all the transformations it has gone through, will still be Tsing Hwa, in the same way that Jack with baby's bibs will still be the same Jack with beard and moustache.

Mr. Wong-Quincey has been consecutively Professor, Dean, Vice-President and Acting President of Tsing Hwa College. Since Tsing Hwa's status has been raised to that of a University, Mr. Wong-Quincey has become Chairman of the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature. It speaks much for his ability and prestige, that there has never been any trouble in his Department during all these years of "storm and stress."Whatever one may say about Mr. Wong-Quincey's teaching, this thing one must admit about him: he is all that a Chairman should be at a meeting. There is no fuss, no meandering about in irrelevant talkee talkee. All discussion is made to lead to some sort of decision. And when the meeting is over, one always has the feeling that something has been done.

As a teacher, Mr. Wong-Quincey is not a person who can inspire love or devotion in his pupils towards him. Admiration and respect he evokes in them. No student ever goes to see Mr. Wong-Quincey merely for talk's sake: a student only calls on him to talk business. And when the business is done, that's the end of the matter. There is no lingering, no wish to prolong the minute into the hour. The student goes away feeling relieved; and, I daresay, Mr. Wong-Quincey, too, feels relieved that something uncomfortable has been gone through and done with.

Mr. Wong-Quincey is one of the most impulsive and enthusiastic men I have ever known. But his impulsive and enthusiastic side never shows up in the lecture-room. There he is perfunctory and phlegmatic: he almost gives one the impression of a presbyterian clergyman going through the funeral service. There is a sense of weary effort, and monotonous constraint. When the hour-bell strikes, Mr. Wong-Quincey is glad to go away; and, I think, his students, too, reciprocate his feelings in the matter.

Nothing out of the way in Mr. Wong-Quincey's personal appearance or ways. If we laugh at him at all, it is because he is so normal, so very correct in his conformation to everything that a good citizen ought to be. In fact, he is irritatingly normal. He is hygienically clean, in both the physical and moral sense. He is blameless as a husband. He is conscientious as a teacher. He is punctilious in all that relate to his duties as a senior member of the Tsing Hwa staff. He loves gardening. He is a good tennis player. He is a good shot. He takes an interest in football. He wears pants in summer, and long gowns in winter. He smokes a pipe. There is nothing outrageous in his house. Everything about him is as it should be. And yet, why is it that his friends poke fun at him behind his back? I think the answer is to be found in his plays.

A few years ago, one of Mr. Wong-Quincey's plays, She Stoops to Compromise, was produced in Peking. The farce was excellent, the technique was perfect, the acting was good. There was not one dull moment in the whole play. Altogether it was a brilliant success. Everything that hard work and dramatic scholarship and ingenuity could do to make the play a good show was in She Stoops to Compromise. But when the applause was over, and the lights were out, and we were out once again in the open street, rushing about for our cars and our rickshaws, why was it that there arose in many of us a feeling of resentment, almost against the author? Is it not because Mr. Wong-Quincey has given us everything in She Stoops to Compromise, except the one thing needful—the something human? Yes, we miss that; and missing that, we are dissatisfied with Mr. Wong-Quincey. Success, respect, admiration may all be his due; but we shall sometimes pay him back with laughter, so long as he lacks the human touch.

[No. 25; June 21, 1934]

王文显先生^1

清华在人事和办校方针两个方面都经历了许多变化。现在，清华已经从一个留美预备中等学校，变成为一所中国国立大学；已经从一个培养男孩子说一口漂亮美国英语、穿一身得体西装的机构，变成为一座把男女学生造就成为化学家、工程师等等的工作坊。但是在发生了所有这些变化的过程中，在清华却有一个人始终没有改变，那正是王文显先生。他始终在清华任教。没有他，清华就不成为清华。有了他，不管经历了多少变化，清华依旧是清华——就像系着围嘴的婴儿杰克到长出满脸胡髭仍将是杰克一样。

王文显先生历任清华学校教授、教务长、副校长和代理校长。清华升格为大学后，他当上了外国语言文学系的系主任。很可以说明他的能力和威望的是，在那些动荡的年月，他的系里从来没有出现过任何麻烦。不管人们对王文显先生的教学可能说些什么，但是必须得承认：他是会议上最理想的主席——不小题大做，不东拉西扯、唠唠叨叨的；所有的讨论全都引向某种决议。会议过后，人们总会有一种毕竟做了点事情的感觉。

作为教师，王文显先生不是会在学生中间引起喜爱或热爱的那种人，他得到的是钦佩和尊敬。没有一个学生只是为了闲聊几句而去找他，去找他总是要谈正事。正事谈完了，拜访也就结束了。没有依依不舍的拖延，没有把一分钟延长为一小时的愿望。学生离开时会觉得如释重负；我敢说，王文显先生也一样如释重负：不舒服的事情总算做完了，终于完事了。

王文显先生是我所见过最容易冲动、最富于热情的那种人。不过，他容易冲动、富于热情的一面，从不在课堂上表现出来。课堂上的他例行公事、平淡冷静，给人的印象就仿佛是长老会^2的牧师在主持葬礼。那种感觉是，疲倦的努力、单调的拘束。下课的钟声敲响，王文显先生便欣然离去。他的学生，我想，也是同样的感受。

王文显先生在外表和举止方面都毫无异乎常人之处。如果我们真要笑他，那是因为他过分正常，一个好公民所应该做到的一切，他都做得无比正确得体。事实上，他正常得令人讨厌。他的身心全都卫生洁净。作为丈夫，他无可指摘；作为教师，他尽心尽责；作为清华教职工队伍资深的一员，他对职责攸关的一切全都小心谨慎。他喜好园艺，网球打得很好，是个射击能手，对足球也有点儿兴趣。他夏天穿短裤，冬天着长袍。他抽烟斗。在他家里，没有任何出格的事情或东西。和他相关的一切，全都中规中矩。那么，为什么他的朋友要在背后开他的玩笑？我想，答案可以从他的戏剧中找到。

几年前，王文显先生的戏剧《委曲求全》3在北平演出。这是一出精彩的闹剧，技巧无可挑剔，演得也很到位。整出戏没有一刻沉闷乏味。整个演出非常成功。辛苦努力、戏剧学识和别出心裁，凡是有助于演出成功的一切，《委曲求全》全都具备。但是，掌声过后，灯光熄后，当我们又来到大街上，涌向各自的汽车、人力车，为什么许多人都感到不满，几乎是对作者的不满？是不是因为在《委曲求全》中，王文显先生给了我们一切，唯独缺少必要的那一点——人情味？是的，我们想念那个。由于我们想念那点人情味，我们就会对王文显先生感到不满。成功、尊敬、钦佩，都是他应得的，但是只要他缺少了那点人情味，我们有时也会对他报以大笑。

［第25期，1934年6月21日］

MR. CHU CHAO-HSIN (朱兆莘)

Mr. Chu was for many years Chargé d'affaires in London. Before that, he was Consul-General in San Francisco. From London he was promoted as Minister to Italy. From the latter place, he came back home, first as Commissioner of Foreign Affairs in Canton, then concurrently as Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs at Nanking. With the retreat from Hankow of the Kwangsi party, with which he was allied, he retired for a time to Nanyang. The last we heard of him was his dying in Canton, after eating snakes, in an entertainment given by him to some foreign friends. A strange death for a strange man!

Mr. Chu is comfortably stout. Whether he is a gourmet, we don't know; but he, at any rate, looks as if he is a gourmand. Of medium height, inclined to be ruddy in his complexion, with a face which suggests great satisfaction with himself and the world, Mr. Chu is a good instance of an homme moyen sensuel turned diplomat.

There are faces so sour that they suggest vinegar: looking at them makes one's nose wet with perspiration. Then again, there are faces so refined, so mature, and so sparkling with well-bred bonhomie, that they bring to one's mind good old Burgundy. Mr. Chu's face conjures up beer—a kindly drink, bourgeois, common, "of widest commonalty spread," incapable of making one wild with frenzy or enthusiasm, but of marvellous potency in producing that state of dull numbness in the mind, when shame, truth, lies, justice, righteousness and honour lose all distinctions, and when earth and sky and past and present become blended together, tinged with that feeling of smug satisfaction with oneself, which Browning has expressed so well in Pippa Passes:

The year's at the spring

And day's at the morn;

Morning's at seven;

The hill-side's dew-pearled;

The lark's on the wing;

The snail's on the thorn;

God's in his heaven—

All's right with the world!

When one talks of diplomats, one usually thinks of cynical worldlings, immaculately dressed, full of subtle cunning at the Council board, scintillating with bon mots at social gatherings, irresistible to ladies, thoroughly insincere, but insincere in the grand style, charming with a seductiveness which deceives no one, brilliant as glass and just as brittle. Now Mr. Chu is none of these things. He is no dandy. He is not charming. He is not brilliant. He says the most commonplace things in the most commonplace way. He may be astute, but he never allows his astuteness to deviate into profundity. Imperturbably bland, not afraid of repeating the same old stale jokes for the hundredth time, constantly doing the wrong things at the right moment, Mr. Chu may not be a diplomat after one's own heart; but considering the impossible position of China in the years that Mr. Chu was representing her, must one not admit that nobody else would have done any better under the circumstances? It's all very well to poke fun at Mr. Chu's gaucheries at dinner-parties and at Geneva; but really, must those things be accounted sins against the Holy Ghost in a diplomat?

I like to think of Mr. Chu, the man. There is such a Rabelaisian inclusiveness in his likes and dislikes, that it's difficult not to have a soft spot for him. Mr. Chu is, in word and in deed, a democrat. I can't think it possible for him to turn up his nose at anything, and anybody. He is all affability to those who want his help. And to those who don't need his help, he is always kind. Most welcome is the heartiness with which he greets a person. He is not out to over-awe anybody. He puts on no side before the meanest of menials. For this reason, it would not surprise me to learn of some people despising Mr. Chu; but it would certainly grieve me much, if any one were to tell me he didn't like Mr. Chu.

[No. 27; July 5, 1934]

朱兆莘先生^1

朱兆莘先生在伦敦任驻英代办多年，在此之前是驻旧金山总领事。他从伦敦升任驻意大利公使，后从意大利回国，初任外交部特派广东交涉员，后来在南京兼外交部政务次长。随着他所依附的桂系撤出汉口，他在南洋隐退了一段时日。有关于他最后的消息是，他在款待外国友人的宴会上吃了蛇肉，死在广州。真可谓奇人奇死！

朱先生肥胖适度。他是不是美食家，我们不知道，但是，无论如何，他看上去是个爱吃爱喝的人。他中等身材，面色近乎红润，仿佛显示着对自己和世界都极为满意。他是普通人转变成为外交官的成功一例。

人的面孔，有些是酸的，会使人们联想到醋，看见的人会鼻尖冒汗。也有一些面孔是那么优雅、那么成熟、那么彬彬有礼、和蔼可亲，会使人们联想到冒着泡泡的陈年勃艮第葡萄酒^2。朱先生的面孔使人想到的是啤酒那种温和的饮料，中产阶级、普通人和“广大民众”都喝，不会让人狂乱，也不会让人兴奋得发狂，却有一种奇妙的功能，使人头脑麻木。这时，羞耻、真理、谎言、公道、正义和荣誉都不再有区别，天和地、过去和现在混为一谈，并有一点自我满足的陶醉感，就像勃朗宁^3在《皮帕走过》中表达得那么好的：

一年正值春光，

一天正在早上；

早上正是七点，

露珠还在山岗；

云雀展翅飞翔，

蜗牛爬在树上；

上帝稳坐天庭，

人间妥帖安详。

人们谈到外交官，总认为都是些愤世嫉俗的俗物，穿着打扮无可挑剔，会议桌上诡诈狡黠，社交聚会中字字珠玑、光彩照人，让夫人小姐们难以抗拒，完全谈不上真诚，却也伪善得冠冕堂皇，富有诱惑的魅力却欺骗不了任何人，像玻璃一样闪光，也像玻璃一样容易破碎。朱先生却不是这样的俗物。他不是花花公子，不那么富有魅力，也不那么闪光。他以最平常的方式讲述最平常的事情。他可能有点狡猾，但是他不会让狡猾逸进深渊。他沉着冷静，不害怕把陈旧的笑话重复上一百遍，总是在正确的时候做错事。朱先生可能不是一个称心如意的外交官，但是考虑到朱先生代表中国时中国的艰难处境，我们难道不应该承认，在那样一种条件下谁也不可能做得更好？人们尽可以嘲笑朱先生在宴会和日内瓦会议上的笨拙表现，但是说句老实话，难道真就应该把那些事情看成外交官冒犯圣灵的不恕之罪吗？

我喜欢思考朱先生的为人。他喜爱和厌恶的东西中有着那么多拉伯雷^4式的粗野幽默和尖刻讽刺，无所不包，很难让人不对他有一份好感。朱先生无论言行都是一个民主派。我不能想象他会对任何事情、任何人不屑一顾。对需要他帮助的人，他和蔼可亲；对不需要他帮助的人，他也很友善。最受人欢迎的一点的是，他能待人以诚。他不会存心威慑任何人；在最低贱的仆人面前，他也从不摆架子。由于这种原因，当我得知有些人看不起朱先生时，我不会觉得意外。但是，如果有人告诉我他不喜欢朱先生，我倒必定会感到非常伤心。

［第27期，1934年7月5日］

DR. WELLINGTON KOO (顾维钧)

Whenever one thinks of Dr. Wellington Koo, one also somehow instinctively thinks of stars. So splendid have been his achievements as a diplomat, that to recount them, one must perforce begin with wonder and end up with praise. His friends may discern in him many other desirable qualities besides that of brilliance. His foes may detect "slipperiness" as an ingredient in everything he does. But friends and foes must alike admit that China cannot have a better diplomat to represent her cause abroad than Dr. Koo.

The future Minister of Foreign Affairs qualified himself as a doctor of Political Science in Columbia University by The Status of Aliens in China. Considering the age of the author when it was written, it would be unfair to expect ripeness of scholarship in that dissertation; but it is a book distinguished on every page by the persuasiveness of its arguments and the excellence of its tone. Excellence and persuasiveness—are they not the great gifts of Dr. Koo throughout his career?

Dr. Koo's rise to fame has been meteoric. He began his début in politics as Secretary to the Cabinet in May 1912. From then up to the present, he has held all the highest posts that a diplomat can dream of—Minister at Washington (1915-1920); delegate to the Paris Peace Conference (1918-1919); Chinese representative on the Council of the League of Nations; Minister to London (1920); since 1922, several times Minister of Foreign Affairs; and now, Chinese Minister to France. And once, Dr. Koo was Acting Premier for a few months.

As the Chinese delegate to the Paris Peace Conference, Dr. Koo made himself well-known as a dignified and skilful champion of China's rights. His adroit handling of the Lincheng incident, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, was the best possible solution of an ugly affair. And recently, the graciousness and cleverness with which he conducted himself at Geneva have helped to reinforce that opinion of him as a "wily diplomat" which the world has formed since the Paris Peace Conference. The Chinese Talleyrand is not an inappropriate nickname for Dr. Koo.

In appearance and bearing, Dr. Koo is everything that a diplomat ought to be. Rather short in stature, well-made, with a face on which Time has written no wrinkles, Dr. Koo is sartorially perfect. Elegant in manner and in speech, Dr. Koo always says the right things in the right place. He is the last person that one can catch hold of unawares. He is never in négligé, so to speak, either in word or in deed. He is all there in what he does or says. Behind that elegant exterior, and that bland face, works a mind that for finesse and subtlety has no equal in China.

[No. 29; July 19, 1934]

顾维钧博士^1

无论什么时候想起顾维钧博士，人们都会情不自禁地联想到星星。作为一名外交官，他的成就是如此辉煌，要逐一加以列举，人们必然会从惊讶开始而以赞美结束。他的朋友们会在他身上看到出色的才华以外许多美好的品质，他的敌人则会在他做的所有事情中觉察到“圆滑”这样一个因素。但是朋友和敌人全都会承认，在国外代表中国利益的外交官，再也不可能有比顾博士更好的了。

在哥伦比亚大学时，这位未来的外交部长曾以《外人在华之地位》一文获得政治学博士学位。考虑到作者当时执笔的年龄，期望在那篇论文里看到学术上的成熟就不公平了；但是，其论证之说服有力，其笔调之无可挑剔，却使得全文熠熠生辉。无可挑剔、说服有力——难道不正是贯穿顾博士终身事业的天然禀赋？

顾博士声誉隆盛之迅速有如星月腾空。他1912年5月出任内阁秘书^2开始其政治生涯，直到如今，凡是外交官梦寐以求的最高职位他都已经得到了：驻华盛顿公使（1915—1920）、巴黎和会代表（1918—1919）、国联理事会中国代表、驻伦敦公使（1920），并自1922年以后多次出任外交部长，而现在是驻法国公使^3。一度，顾博士还做过几个月代理国务总理。

出席巴黎和会时，顾博士以身为既有尊严又有才干的中国权益捍卫者而闻名于世。而作为外交部长，对于临城劫车案^4精明而灵活的处理，实在是一桩丑事最好的解决办法。近来，他在日内瓦的雅范和机敏，都有助于增强巴黎和会以来他被世界公认为“足智多谋外交家”的名声。“中国的塔列朗^5”，对于他来说，倒不能不说是个恰当的绰号。

从仪表和举止看，顾博士具备了外交官应该具备的一切。他身材略矮，肢体匀称，脸还未曾被时光老人刻画上皱纹，衣着十分得体。他言谈高雅，举止脱俗，总能在合适的场合说合适的话。几乎不可能在言行上让他措手不及。他的一言一行，可以说，从不马虎随便，总是全神贯注的。在那高雅的外表和不苟言笑的面孔背后，活跃着的是一颗智谋和精明程度在中国都无与伦比的头脑。

［第29期，1934年7月19日］

MR. LIANG LONE (梁龙)

Mr. Liang hails from Kwangtung, but in built he looks like a Shantung man. Rather tall for a Chinese, well-made, with a face which shows obstinacy and endurance, he is cut more for a military, than a diplomatic, career. His movements are not, what one would call, graceful: they have the jerkiness and the forcefulness of the German goose-step. For the rest, it would be a waste of time to try to find winsomeness in his person, or eccentricity in his behaviour. In short, Mr. Liang looks every inch a man, without any of those feminine qualities, which a typical diplomat is supposed to be heir to.

Mr. Liang pays very little attention to his outward appearance. He dresses very carelessly—not with that carelessness, which is at once artistic and nonchalant, but with that sort of carelessness, which is the fruit of mere untidiness. So little pains does he take to look smart that he has been seen, not once, but oftentimes, in evening dress with white socks!

But Mr. Liang amply compensates for his lack of the outward comeliness of form by his determination and his grit. One glance at him is enough to convince one that Mr. Liang is a man who is out to succeed in whatever he undertakes to do. And he has suceeded with the naturalness of the expected. Every move of his has been a promotion. He began his official career by first attaching himself to Lin Chang-min, who got him appointed as high advisor in the Tariff Conference, held in Peking in 1925. After the collapse of that conference, he bobbed up as judge in the Shanghai Provisional Court. Next, his real opportunity to be a diplomat came when he went with General Chiang Tso-pin as chargé d'affaires in the Chinese Legation in Berlin. Last year, he got what he wanted, and what he deserved, by being appointed minister to Czecho-Slovakia!

It's at present too early in the day to pass judgement on Mr. Liang as a diplomat. In Geneva during the recent Manchurian crisis, he has been given no leading part to play, to show the sort of stuff he is made of. But one can have no doubt that in the routine of diplomatic business, Mr. Liang is an assiduous worker. One can't conceive of anything brilliant that he can do. For work which requires labour and endurance, one can't imagine anybody more suitable than Mr. Liang. And after all, brilliance is alright for once in a while; what is more necessary is the capacity for taking infinite pains in the humdrum routine of diplomatic practice. That obstinate tuft of hair which sticks out at the crown of Mr. Liang's head is at once a sign and a symbol—a sign of obstinacy in sticking to his guns, and a symbol of endurance and strength which refuses to be beaten by anything—not even by ridicule.

[No. 30; July 26, 1934]

梁龙先生^1

梁龙先生是广东人，但是身板更像山东人。作为中国人，他算得上是高个子，身材匀称，一副倔强坚韧的面孔，更适合于从军而不是做外交工作。他的行动举止完全谈不上人们所说的优雅，倒具有日耳曼鹅式步伐^2的痉挛和力度。至于别的，要从他身上找出一点儿招人喜爱之处，或是从他的行为中发现怪异之处，全都是浪费时间。简言之，梁先生看来是个十足的男人，没有一星半点儿的女性品质，而一个典型的外交官却似乎应该有点才是。

梁先生对他的外表毫不讲究。他对穿着漫不经心——不是那种既有艺术家风度又若无其事的漫不经心，而是邋里邋遢的漫不经心。他不愿意费劲把自己打扮得体面些，以至于不是一次两次，而是常常，人们会看见他一身晚礼服配着白袜子。

但是梁先生的果断和勇气充分弥补了他缺乏优雅仪表的不足。只消看一眼梁先生，就能使人相信他是一个无论做什么都打定主意努力做好的人。他一直都很成功，就像不出所料那样自然。他的每一次调动都是一次升迁。他的仕宦生涯始于依附林长民^3。1925年，关税会议在北京举行，由于林长民的关照，他被任命为高级顾问。会议以失败告终后，他突然当上了上海临时法院的庭长。后来，得以成为一名外交官的真正的机会，来自于追随蒋作宾将军^4出任驻柏林中国领事馆代办。去年，他如愿以偿，也得其所应，被任命为驻捷克斯洛伐克公使！

现在要对身为外交官的梁先生作出任何评判全都为时过早。在最近东三省危机^5期间，身在日内瓦的他并没有得到扮演任何领导角色的机会，还不足以显示他的能力。但是人们大可不必怀疑，在常规的外交事务方面，梁先生是一名刻苦勤奋的实干家。人们想象不出他能做出什么辉煌之举，但对于那些需要苦力与持久力的工作，人们也想象不出比他更合适的人选。毕竟，能够以耀眼的才华出一下风头只是偶一为之，更为必不可少的是不辞辛苦处理好枯燥乏味常规外交工作的能力。支棱在梁先生头顶上的那一簇头发，既是他的标志，也是他的象征——是坚持立场、不屈不挠的标志，也是即使受嘲笑也要坚忍顽强和无所畏惧的象征。

［第30期，1934年7月26日］

DR. WU LIEN-TEH (伍连德)

Dr. Wu was born in Penang in 1879. At the age of 17, he won the coveted Queen's scholarship of the Straits Settlements. For the next six years after that, he studied in Emmanuel College, Cambridge. There he distinguished himself by taking First Class Honours in the Natural Science Tripos. I believe he was the first Chinese to have that distinction. So well, indeed, did he do in the examinations, that long years afterwards(in 1920), he was still remembered by his contemporaries as the brilliant "Tuck"—the Cantonese pronunciation of the last word of his Christian name. From Cambridge, he went to Brompton Hospital as house physician. Next, he studied in the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, after which he took up postgraduate work successively in Paris, Halle, and Baltimore.

His studies abroad over, Dr. Wu set up practice for a short while in the Straits Settlements. Since then, he has been continuously at work in China, as Director and Chief Medical Officer of the Manchurian Plague Service, and latterly as Director of the National Quarantine Service and North-East Plague Prevention Service.

Dr. Wu first attracted the world's attention by the magnificent and merciful work he did in stamping out the fury of the last great Manchurian plague. For that, he was given the M.D. honoris causa of his Alma Mater. Foreign governments were not slow to heap honours on him. A mere enumeration of these honours will give one a measure of the high estimation in which Dr. Wu is held as a doctor in Preventive Medicine by the world. But we refrain from doing so.

What we are interested in is Dr. Wu as he is at home among friends. Dr. Wu in his library is very different from Dr. Wu as he appears on public platforms. Some who have heard Dr. Wu address a meeting may remember him as a dull and impressive speaker: his learning is masked by banalities. Others who see Dr. Wu among young ladies at a tea-party may think of him as a clumsy entertainer, whose attempts at witticisms are as comical as the witticisms are obtuse: they are just like fire-crackers which cannot possibly go off. What we like best is to find Dr. Wu seated in a chair which he has bought in some second-hand shop, surrounded by musty old magazines and second-hand books, talking about this picture and that plaque, while his hands fondly handle a Sung vase or some precious relic of the past. Then his face lights up; and we know we are standing before a man, who is not only a great doctor but a great lover of that which can give the highest quality to our moments as they pass—great Art.

Let us leave Dr. Wu at that: not a clever man, but one who has something better than cleverness—the capacity for hard work, which almost amounts to genius.

[No. 31; Aug. 2, 1934]

伍连德博士^1

伍博士1879年出生在槟榔屿^2。他17岁时获得海峡殖民地^3备受艳羡的女皇奖学金，随后的六年就读于剑桥大学以马内利学院。他在那里由于获得自然科学荣誉学位考试的一级荣誉而引人瞩目。我相信，他是获得这种荣誉的第一个华人。他的考试成绩非常好，很多年以后（1920年）他的同龄人依然记得那个才华出众的“达”——他的教名最后一个字的广东话发音。离开剑桥后，他来到布朗普顿医院担任住院医师。之后，他曾在利物浦^4热带医学院进修，之后又先后在巴黎、哈雷^5、巴尔的摩^6读研究生。

留学生活结束后，他在海峡殖民地开业行医，但是为时不长。以后，他便一直在中国工作，曾任东三省防疫事务总管理处处长和总医官，后来任全国海港检疫管理处处长和东北防疫事务处处长。

伍博士第一次引起全世界的注意，是由于他阻断最近一次在中国东北肆虐的疫情而取得的辉煌无比、功德无量的业绩。他的母校为此而授给他医学博士荣誉学位，外国政府也争相颁赠各种荣誉。只要列举一下这些荣誉，伍博士作为一名防疫医务专家在世界上受到的尊敬就可见一斑。但是我们没有这样做。

我们感兴趣的还是在家里与朋友们共处的伍博士。书房里的伍博士和出现在公众舞台上的伍博士迥然不同。听过伍博士大会发言的人也许会记得他是一个枯燥乏味而又令人难忘的演讲者：他的学识都遮掩在陈词滥调里了。在茶会上看到伍博士置身于年轻女士中间的人，则可能认为他娱人乏术、举止笨拙，想要诙谐却显得笨拙，就像一只只点不响的炮仗一样。我们最喜欢看见他坐在从旧货店里买来的椅子上，周围堆着发霉的过期杂志和旧书，手里摩挲着一只宋代花瓶或是别的什么珍贵古物，嘴里谈论着这幅图画、那方匾额。这时的他容光焕发，我们会意识到我们正站立在这样一个人面前：他不仅仅是一位伟大的医生，而且，还是赋予我们度过的分分秒秒以极高品质的伟大艺术的爱好者。

关于伍博士就谈到这里吧：他不是一个聪明人，但是他具有超越聪明的某种内涵——几近天才的勤奋工作的能力。

［第31期，1934年8月2日］

DR. LIU FU (刘复)

Generally speaking, philologians are pedants who are about as interesting as the musty languages they study. The late Dr. Liu was a philologian, but he was also one of the rare exceptions to this rule. In fact, to his friends and acquaintances, he was always "the charming fellow"; and it was only with difficulty that they were reminded of the fact that he was not only a brilliant essayist and a great talker, but also the author of scholarly treatises on such subjects as Chinese grammar and comparative phonetics.

Dr. Liu first came to fame in the pages of La Jeunesse, a monthly edited by Mr. Chen Tu-hsieu. Together with Dr. Hu Shih and others, he advocated that Pai-hua or the vulgate tongue should be adopted as the written language. He went abroad to study in 1918, and six years later returned with a doctor's degree from Paris. From that time until his death, he had been teaching at Peita (National University in Peiping), occupying a China Foundation research chair in philology and phonetics.

Dr. Liu had many avocational interests. Though he was kept busy constantly by teaching and research, he nevertheless found time to cultivate many hobbies not usually associated with a man of his donnish temperament. He gained a wide circle of readers not only by his translations from the French, but also by his humourous verses and essays on topics ranging from Western folk-lore to Chinese operas. He planned also to write a biography of Szai Ching Hua (赛金花), the prostitute who saved the population of the old capital from being decimated by the allied troops during the boxer rebellion. As a satirist, he was of no mean ability. In an article of his entitled "Amitabha Tai Chih-tao" (阿弥陀佛戴传贤), he gently made fun of the president of the Examination Institute and upbraided him for his superstitions and his proposal to put to a stop to all archaeological excavations. Finally, he was also very much interested in the art of photography, to which he had written a most useful guide.

His death was caused by relapsing fever, contracted by him on his trip to Suiyuan. The trip was taken with the purpose of studying the dialect of that province, which was to form a part of his philological studies. He died as a martyr to science, and it is for this reason that his friends and colleagues at Peita have decided to found a scholarship to honour and to perpetuate his memory.

Dr. Liu was survived by his wife and two daughters. Like the true scholar that he was, he had a great contempt for money. To his family, therefore, he left practically nothing except his books.

[No. 32; Aug. 9, 1934]

刘复博士^1

一般说来，语言学家都是迂阔的老夫子，差不多就像他们所研究的发了霉的语言一样无趣。已故的刘博士是一位语言学家，但他却是这一规律罕见的例外。事实上，在他的亲朋好友看来，他倒总是一个“招人喜爱的家伙”，得要费点劲才能让他们想到，他不仅是个出色的散文家、了不起的演说家，还是一位关于汉语语法和比较语音学之类的学术论文的作者。

刘博士最初是在陈独秀先生编辑的《新青年》月刊上开始出名的。他和胡适博士与其他人一起提倡采用白话即通俗语言作为书面语。1918年他出国留学^2，六年后带着博士文凭从巴黎归来。从那时起直到逝世，他始终在国立北京大学教书，还是“中基会”3语言学和语音学研究员。

刘博士有许多业余爱好。虽然教书和研究工作已经忙得不可开交，但他还是有办法找出时间来培养了许多通常和他那种学究气人物不太相干的爱好。他翻译法文作品，发表幽默的打油诗，散文随笔从西方民俗到中国戏曲无所不谈，这为他赢得了为数众多的读者。他还打算为在义和团运动时期从八国联军的杀戮下拯救过不少老百姓的名妓赛金花写一部传记。作为讽刺作家，他也不是等闲之辈。在一篇题为《阿弥陀佛戴传贤^4》的文章中，他温和地取笑了一下那位考试院院长，批评他的迷信和意欲停止所有考古发掘的主张。最后，他对摄影也很感兴趣，在这方面他还写了一本很有实用价值的入门指南。

他在前往绥远^5的旅途中感染了回归热而病逝。那次旅行，是为了语言学研究而到那里去考察当地方言。他是献身科学的烈士，因此他在北大的朋友和同事决定设置一笔奖学金，以表达对他的敬意和永久纪念。

刘博士遗下了他的寡妻和两个女儿^6。作为一名真正的学者，他生前对钱极为轻视。所以，他留给家人的除了书，就几乎别无所有了。

［第32期，1934年8月9日］

WANG TEH-LIN (王德林), "A FIGHTING BULL"

Of our national heroes who led the Volunteers against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1932, only few are now left in the field. Among those who remain we may mention only two: the "Little White Dragon," a former brigand chief, and General Wang Teh-lin, the self-styled "fighting bull."

Wang Lin who later came to be known as Wang Teh-lin was born in the valley of River Chi (沂水), Shantung, where Confucius longed to have his bath. His parents died early, and in his teens he was looked upon as a good-for-nothing loafer in his village. However, he was soon found among the more adventurous elements migrating from Shantung to Manchuria in the 90's and later owning a timber mill in Shanchakou (now Tungning), eastern Kirin. It was here that an important episode happened to him which changed Wang Lin the lumber mill owner into Wang Teh-lin who shines forth now as a lone star among the Volunteer leaders.

A few years before the Boxer Uprising, the Russian influence, if not dominant was already keenly felt in Manchuria; and over the hills of Shanchakou, as elsewhere along the Chinese-Russian border, Chinese and Russian frontier guards jointly searched the hills for bandits every winter. It so happened that six bandits were stopping at Wang Lin's lumber camp and were peacefully making themselves at home, when suddenly appeared not far from the camp the Russian guards. The outlaws, seeing that it was too late to escape, put up a desperate fight and killed several Russians. Half of their own number were killed and the others fled. The Russian guards reached the camp, shot down four or five mill hands and lined up the rest to face the firing squad. The Chinese soldiers hearing the shots hurried up the hills and were there just in time to save the innocent lumber jacks. All the while Wang Lin was returning to his camp from the city where he had collected accounts from his clients. In the camp he found his nephew—his sister's son, to be exact—among the dead, and he vowed vengeance.

In the spring he sold his mill and moved to Vladivostok, where he was known to the Chinese as a hard worker, a peaceful and honest man. But soon the number of drunken Russian guards who were drowned in the port or otherwise mysteriously disappeared was, so the story goes, on the increase. It did not take the Russians long to cast suspicion on this new comer, and one morning Wang Lin found himself arrested by the Russians who were quite determined to do away with him. But the Chinese population of Vladivostok was agog, and many Chinese firms of good reputation were willing to bail him out. The Russian authorities, in order to pacify the Chinese merchants and labourers, sent him to the Russian consul in Changchun. After three months' investigation, the consul found no evidence against him and set him free. Clad in autumn clothing he braved the Manchurian mid-winter weather and walked from Changchun back to Vladivostok. Then came the Boxer Uprising, and after the tumult which it created, we find Wang Lin and a score or so of his followers hunting in the woods along the highway between Vladivostok and Kirin city. They plundered and sometimes killed Russian travellers. And true to the traditions of outlaws, Wang Lin was always generous to the poor. The Russians pressed the Chinese authorities to exterminate the gang, but Wang Lin and his followers were always too fleet for the halfhearted Chinese soldiers and it was not until some time after one Russian official had been attacked that they were cornered and driven to a desperate fight. Five or six of Wang Lin's men were killed and the Chinese commanding officer desiring to end the trouble once for all—officially at least—got some villagers to verify that Wang Lin was among the dead. So Wang Lin was dead, and Wang Teh-lin was merrily carrying on his Robin Hood activities.

In 1915 due to a combination of factors, including the notorious Twenty-One Demands, Wang and his followers were incorporated into the Kirin regular army. He was made a major and his followers, over four hundred in number, formed a battalion. And for sixteen years he and his men led soldiers' humdrum life, with the occasional excitement in suppressing the bandits.

Then came the September 18 Incident. Two provinces were lost in as many days. It was a time of bewilderment to the local authorities. While they deliberated on what they should do, the Japanese lost no time in making further survey of eastern Kirin where they planned to build a railway of great strategic importance connecting Changchun to a northeastern Korean port. The surveyors came to south of Tunhua and came dangerously near the headquarters of Wang Teh-lin. His guards signalled to the Japanese to stop and shot and killed one of them when they ignored the guards' commands. The matter was referred by the Japanese to the garrison commander in Tunhua, and Major Wang was summoned. He went and he stuck to his gun. When the Japanese representative remarked to Major Wang's superior that Chinese military men were unreasonable, he spanked the Japanese on the cheek and retorted that there was no one in the world so unreasonable as the Japanese military who occupied two Chinese provinces without slightest provocation. He left with his bodyguards before any one else in the meeting grasped the full significance of the act.

By hook and crook the Japanese won over his superior who tried to persuade Major Wang to board the same train and go to the Kirin city. But he was too shrewd for the Japanese, and this was his reply: "After old Marshal Chang's train was bombed by the Japanese, who is safe to travel by train?" With these words he ended his allegiance to his former superior, and a few days later he captured Tunhua by a surprise night attack. What he did after that is too well known to call for repetition here. Suffice it to say that at one time he had under him between 100,000 and 200,000 men, although by the early part of 1933 his forces dwindled to 50,000-60,000 and he, as so many other Volunteer leaders, had to flee to Russia. In the following summer he came back to China by way of Europe and the South Seas. He stopped at Hongkong and with the promise of some material help by Canton back he went to assume his command of his forces without so much as touching Shanghai.

He is daring and quick in decision. A man of over fifty years old, he still lives a strenuous life. He is a simple man, but his tall and squarely built stature looks impressive; indeed there is something of a fighting bull in him. It was in Canton that he remarked: "I am a fighting bull, and I know only how to fight." To fight he certainly knows, for even as this is being written the news dispatches from Manchuria indicate that several districts in eastern Kirin have once more fallen into his hands and Chinese flags are proudly waving in that small corner of the territory that has been for centuries China's.

L. Y.

[No. 33; Aug. 16, 1934]

王德林^1，“武牛”

在1932年率领东北救国军抵抗日本侵略的民族英雄中，现在只有为数很少的几位还在坚持战斗。我们只能提到其中两位：一位是原先的胡匪头子“小白龙”，另一位是自称“武牛”的王德林将军。

王德林原名王林，出生在山东沂水流域，沂水就是孔夫子想浴乎其中的那条河。他小时候父母双亡，到了十几岁，村里人都认为他是个游手好闲没出息的孩子。但是在（19世纪）90年代，他很快成了闯关东的一员，后来在吉林东部的三岔口（现在的东宁）2开办了一家木材厂。正是在这个地方发生的一起重大事件，使得木材厂主王林变成了王德林——如今救国军诸领袖中独自放射光芒的一颗明星。

义和团运动爆发以前，俄国人的势力在东三省，即使还没占据主导地位，也已经能够深切地感觉到了。三岔口山上也像中俄边境的其他地方一样，两国的边防兵每年冬天都要联合巡山，搜索盗匪。有一次，六个匪徒来到王林的伐木场，并没有动刀动枪，就像到了自己家里一样。突然，俄国边防兵在伐木场附近出现，匪徒们眼看着来不及逃走，便殊死抵抗，打死了几个俄国兵。他们自己也死亡半数，其他三个逃走了。后来，俄国兵来到伐木场，开枪打死了四五个伐木工，又把其余的人排列成行将行枪毙。听到枪声的中国士兵赶上山来，刚好来得及救下那些无辜的伐木工。与此同时，进城收账的王林正在往回走。他回到伐木场，发现他的外甥——准确地说，他姐姐的儿子——也在死难者之列，便立誓报仇。

第二年春天，他卖掉了厂子，迁居海参崴。在当地的华人中间，人们都知道他工作勤奋、为人和气、待人诚恳。但是据说，很快，喝醉酒淹死在港口或是以别种方式神秘失踪的俄国边防兵就多了起来。不久，俄国人就怀疑到这个新来的中国人身上。一天早晨，王林被俄国人抓走，他们下定决心要除掉他。但是，海参崴的华人群情激昂，许多声誉良好的华商店主愿意花钱保释他。俄国当局为了安抚华商和华工，就把他交给了长春的俄国领事馆。经过三个月的调查，领事馆未能发现任何不利于他的证据，便把他放了。他穿着秋天的衣服，冒着东三省隆冬的严寒，从长春步行回到海参崴。紧接着爆发了义和团运动，骚乱过后，人们发现王林带着二十来号人在海参崴和吉林之间沿路的森林里打猎。他们抢劫，有时也杀害俄国旅人。但是，王林恪守绿林传统，以所劫钱财周济穷人。俄国对中国当局施加压力，要求他们剿灭这股土匪。但是，王林和同伙总比心不在焉的中国士兵跑得快，直到一名俄国军官遇袭后，他们才被逼上绝路，进行了殊死搏斗。王林有五六个部下被打死了，中国士兵的指挥官想要就此了事——至少如此公开表示——便找来几个村民证实王林也在死者之列。于是，王林其人就此死掉，而王德林却高高兴兴地继续开展他的罗宾汉^3活动。

1915年，由于多种原因，包括臭名昭著的“二十一条”4在内，王德林及其部下编入了吉林的正规军。他的部下有四百余人，组成了一个营，他任营长。除了偶尔清剿土匪的兴奋，他和部下度过了十六年枯燥乏味的兵营生活。

接着，九一八事变爆发了。在相同的天数内，两个省相继失守。地方当局惶然不知所措，他们还在考虑如何应对的时候，日本人却在紧锣密鼓对吉林东部进行进一步的勘察，准备修建一条具有重大战略意义的铁路，把长春和朝鲜东北部一个港口连接起来。勘察队来到敦化^5以南，临近王德林的指挥部，情况非常危险。他的卫兵示意日本人不要继续前进，他们却对命令置之不理，卫兵便开枪打死了一个日本人。日本人把事情提交给敦化的驻军司令，王营长被召见。他去了，并坚持自己的立场。当日本代表对王营长的长官指称中国军官不讲理时，他抽了日本人一耳光，并反驳说世界上还没有人像日本军队那样不讲理地无缘无故就占领了中国的两个省。在场的人还没来得及捉摸透这一行为的深远意义，他已带着卫兵扬长而去。

日本人不择手段收买了王营长的长官，长官试图劝他乘坐同一列火车到吉林城去。但是，对于日本人来讲，王德林是太精明了一点，他的回答是，“自张大帅所乘的火车为日本人所炸之后，6谁敢再坐火车？”说完这句话，他对前长官的忠诚就不复存在了。几天以后，他一夜奇袭，占领了敦化。之后的事迹已经广为人知，就无须赘述了，只消说，他的部队一度达到了十几万人——虽说1933年上半年缩到五六万人，而他也像其他救国军领袖一样不得不逃亡到俄国。第二年夏天，他才经由欧洲和南洋回国。他在香港稍事逗留，得到广州方面提供物资支援的许诺，便又回去率领部队了，甚至不曾在上海靠岸。

他勇敢而果断，50岁出头，仍然干劲十足。他为人淳朴，高大魁梧的身材给人深刻印象。他身上确实有一种类似好斗公牛的精神。他在广州时曾经说过，“我是只武牛，只会打仗。”他当然会打仗，甚至就在撰写本文的时刻，来自东三省的通讯称，他又控制了吉林东部几个区，中国国旗正在世世代代属于中国的那一小块土地上空骄傲地飘扬着。

林　幽

［第33期，1934年8月16日］

DR. V. K. TING (丁文江)

In Lord Willingdon's opinion, Dr. Ting is one of the most brilliant men he has ever met. This is high praise coming from such a quarter, especially when one thinks of the galaxy of talented men that Lord Willingdon has known, —the late Earl of Balfour, Lord Morley, Viscount Bryce, etc., etc.: they are all minds of the first calibre, and their activities are as varied as they are distinguished. But this praise is no less than the truth. A few minutes' talk with Dr. Ting will soon convince one that his is a mind of no mean order: its shortcomings are as obvious as are its excellences: they are the shortcomings and excellences of a very clever mind, a very brilliant mind. But is it a great mind? Here there is room for differences of opinion.

Dr. Ting's mind is the kind that produces the Home University Library and the Cambridge Manuals of Science. It is not the kind that can produce a Novum Organum. Its characteristics are agility and a receptiveness to facts, but not to ideas. Its faults are cocksureness and a certain imperviousness to the other man's point of view. It loves to range at large in search of facts of all kinds: it never stays at home to chew and digest the facts into generalizations. Such a mind can, therefore, be interesting only for what it has, and not for what it is: and what it has is God's plenty—a Curiosity Shop containing all sorts of odds and ends, from statistics about the equipment of the Chinese army to the way that T'ang poetry should be recited. In other words, one should go to Dr. Ting as to an encyclopaedia—to gain correct information: but for wisdom—well, it's perhaps better to consult some one who knows less, maybe, than Dr. Ting, but some one who dreams and contemplates more than he does—to the kind of person who can produce a Novum Organum.

Dr. Ting's fondness for facts as facts engenders in him a certain impatience with dreamers and prophets and all that sort of people that Tolstoy loves. This impatience is typical of a man of action: and Dr. Ting is nothing, if not that. He is one of the greatest men of action that China has at the present day. The pity is that he has been taken so long for what he is not—a scholar. He has none of the hesitancies and second thoughts of a scholar. What he thinks, he does: what he does, he thinks. He is as unerring as a compass as to the way he should go. This capacity for action is backed up by another quality in him which qualifies him to be a first-class administrator—a sleepless passion for details. As Mayor of Shanghai, he has given us a foretaste of what he can do as an administrator. We are sure, any work which will call forth his administrative abilities will always be distinguished by commonsense and usefulness.

Dr. Ting's personal appearance answers exactly to the kind of person he is: a short, robust body, with eyes which show agility and decision; and a moustache which means business and no nonsense!

A new fanaticism is now abroad. And the missionary of this new fanaticism is Dr. Ting, who cries in the wilderness of machine-guns and factories: What does it profit a man to gain his soul, and lose this brave new world of coal and iron and sky-scrapers and talkies? (According to the Gospel of Saint H. G. Wells)

[No. 34; Aug. 23, 1934]

丁文江博士^1

卫灵敦勋爵^2认为，丁博士是他见过的最杰出人物之一。这是很高的赞誉，尤其是考虑到这位勋爵所认识的才俊精英可谓灿若星河——已故贝尔福伯爵^3、莫利勋爵^4、布赖斯子爵^5等等，全都是一流的人才，他们的活动多种多样、出类拔萃。但这个赞誉仍然恰如其分。和丁博士交谈几分钟就会相信，他的才智卓然超群。他的优点和缺点都十分明显：那是非常聪明、非常有才华的头脑的优点和缺点。至于这个头脑是不是伟大，这就有所争议了。

丁博士的头脑是能够创作出《家庭大学丛书》6和《剑桥科学与文学文丛》7的头脑，不是写得出《新工具》8之类著作的头脑。其特性是敏于接受事实，难于接受观念；毛病是过分自信，听不进别人的意见。这样的头脑喜欢到处去搜罗各类事实，从不留在家里加以咀嚼、消化和概括。因此，这种头脑的有趣之处仅仅在于它“有”什么，而不在于“是”什么。他头脑里的东西实在是多——就像个古玩店，各种各样，零零碎碎，从中国军队装备的统计数据到吟诵唐诗的方法，无所不有。换句话说，人们去找丁博士就像去查百科全书——为的是获得正确的信息资料，但是要获得智慧，也许最好还是请教知识可能不如他丰富，却比他爱幻想、爱深思的另一种人——写得出《新工具》的那种人。

丁博士喜爱就事论事，这种偏爱使他对幻想家和预言家、对托尔斯泰^9所喜欢的那些人，全都有点不耐烦。这种不耐烦是实干家所特有的，而丁博士可以说什么也不是，就是个实干家。他是今日中国最伟大的实干家之一。可惜，长时间以来他一直被错误地理解为一名学者。他缺乏学者的犹豫和深思熟虑。他想什么就做什么；做什么就想什么。对于他应该走的路，他总像罗盘一样准确无误。这种行动能力的背后，又有另一种使他能够成为第一流管理人员的品质，那就是不懈地追求和把握细节的热情。他出任上海市长^10的表现就已经让我们多少领略了他的行政能力。可以肯定，凡是能够显示他行政才能的工作，他都会合情合理、讲求实效、出色地完成。

丁博士的长相和他的为人完全相符：个子略矮，身体敦实，外加一对透露着机敏和果断的眼睛；一撮八字胡似乎在说：多干实事、少说废话！

目前，国外出现了一种新的狂热运动^11，丁博士已经成了这种新型狂热主张的传教士。他在机关枪和现代工厂的荒原中大声疾呼：得到灵魂而失去一个煤、铁、摩天大厦和有声电影的勇敢新世界，对于人来说能有什么好处？（据《圣徒赫伯特·乔治·威尔斯的福音》12）

［第34期，1934年8月23日］

THE LATE MR. KU HUNG-MING (辜鸿铭)

Many must have been intrigued by that charming portrait of The Philosopher in Somerset Maugham's On A Chinese Screen. A philosopher, all the world over, is usually a dull withered thing, —an orange sucked dry: a day spent in such company can only be memorable for its boredom. But with Somerset Maugham's Philosopher, it is possible to pass days, nay weeks, without in the least knowing what it is to be bored. There is just enough grace and just so much mordant wit in him to make conversation with him a matter of excitement rather than of wisdom. Somerset Maugham's Philosopher is, of course, none other than Ku Hung-ming. And the most distinctive thing about him is that he is no philosopher—no philosopher, that is, in the sense of a person who thinks first, and lives afterwards. Ku Hung-ming has a passion for dainty living; and thought with him is sought after only because it lends colour and dignity to life. Ku Hung-ming is first and last a worldling, but with this distinction—a worldling who thinks. His Confucianism, his monarchism, and his queue are mere decorations to a life that consumes itself in the sheer joy of living. That worn cadaverous frame of his is the victim, not of thought, but of desire and wit and beauty and an inordinate wish to be different from others.

In his life-time, Ku Hung-ming had already become legendary. Now that he is dead, there is a danger that he may pass into fable. Our purpose here is to prevent this by showing him as he really is. And what he really is, is not so very different from many other people, whom one meets daily at the present day. Ku Hung-ming is only a picturesque instance of a person who is born a rebel.

That ostentatious display of his queue is very symptomatic of the whole man. He is cross-grained: he lives by opposition. What the commonalty accepts, he rejects. What the commonalty likes, he dislikes. What the commonalty idolises, he despises. To be different from others is his joy and pride. Because it is the fashion to have no queue, he retains his. If everybody else has a queue, I am sure Ku Hung-ming would be the first person to have his cut. It is the same with his monarchism. It is not a matter of principle with him, but of a desire to be exceptional. Republicanism is the craze: therefore, he hates it. He flaunts his monarchism, as a dandy his cravat. Indeed, in things intellectual and spiritual, it is no inaccurate description of Ku Hung-ming to call him a dandy. As a dandy spends his days and nights over his dress, Ku Hung-ming takes infinite pains to be different from others, in his ideas and manner of living.

Ku Hung-ming is witty. But his wit turns invariably upon a paradox. Now the essence of a paradox is that it should surprise by the opposition of its ideas to common notions. Here again, Ku Hung-ming shows up the quality of his mind—a mind that lives by resistance to what is generally accepted.

Again, his championship of Confucianism is another expression of his wish to be different from others. A few years ago, it used to be the correct thing among the intelligentsia to look upon Confucianism as a tedious set of obsolete rules about the conduct of life. This is a good enough reason why Ku Hung-ming should be a Confucianist. What others discard, he champions. But the last person to be a Confucianist is Ku Hung-ming. He is more native to Chuang-tze and Taoism, than to Confucianism.

A rebel who preaches monarchism; a romantic who accepts Confucianism as his philosophy of life; an autocrat who is proud to wear the sign of slavery—the queue: it is this contradiction in Ku Hung-ming that makes him one of the most interesting figures in modern China.

[No. 35; Aug. 30, 1934]

已故的辜鸿铭先生^1

对于萨默塞特·毛姆^2所描述的《中国剪影》3中那篇“哲学家”迷人的肖像，许多人肯定都很着迷。哲学家，在全世界，通常都是枯燥乏味、干瘪皱缩的人，就像被吮吸干了的橙子。和这样的人在一起呆一天，只能由于令人厌烦而难以忘怀。可是，和毛姆笔下那位哲学家在一起呆几天，不，甚至呆几星期，也不会感觉到丝毫的厌烦。那是由于他身上有足够的魅力和那么多尖锐刻薄的诙谐，使得和他谈话与其说是智慧的启迪，不如说是令人高兴的事。萨默塞特·毛姆笔下的那位哲学家，当然，不是别人而正是辜鸿铭。他身上最明显的一点是，他并不是哲学家——就是说，他不是先思想后生活的那种哲学家。辜鸿铭有追求舒适生活的热情，而思想之所以值得他去探索，只是因为能够给生活增添色彩和尊严。辜鸿铭是一个彻头彻尾的俗人，与众不同的在于——是个有思想的俗人。他的儒家思想、他的君主制思想、他的辫子，对于他在纯粹的享乐中度过的生活，只不过是些装饰而已。他那枯槁疲惫的身躯并不是用脑过度的结果，而是欲望、机谋、耽美和无节制地追求与众不同的愿望的牺牲品。

辜鸿铭在生前就已经成了传奇人物，如今他死了，恐怕还会变成神话人物。我们写这篇文章的目的，只是要展示一个真实的他，以避免这样的事情发生。而真实的他，和我们现今每天遇到的许许多多的人，并没有很大不同。辜鸿铭只是个天生叛逆的生动例子。

他有意卖弄自己的辫子，是他整个为人的特征。他脾气倔犟，以对抗为生。大众接受的，他拒绝；大众喜爱的，他厌恶；大众崇拜的，他鄙视。与众不同就是他的乐趣和骄傲。因为剪掉辫子成了时尚，所以他偏要保留。如果别人都留着辫子，我敢说，他就会成为第一个剪辫子的人。关于他的君主制思想，情况也完全一样。对于他来说，这不是一个原则问题，只是由于他希望与众不同。共和制风靡一时，因此，他痛恨共和制。他夸耀君主制，就像花花公子夸耀他的领结。其实，从才智和精神方面称辜鸿铭为花花公子，倒也未必不准确。就像花花公子夜以继日把时间花费在穿着打扮上，辜鸿铭则是为了与众不同而在思想观念和生活方式上煞费苦心。

辜鸿铭谈吐诙谐，但是他的诙谐都建立在矛盾之上，而矛盾的实质就是看法跟一般观念相反，使人感到意外。在这个问题上，辜鸿铭又一次显示出他那头脑的特性——惯于对抗大众思想。

同样，他对儒家学说的维护，也是追求与众不同愿望的又一表现。几年前，知识分子都把儒家学说看成是一套有关生活准则的令人厌烦的陈腐教条。这就足以成为辜鸿铭采取儒家立场的理由了。别人摈弃什么，他就拥护什么。但是，最不可能成为孔门信徒的却是辜鸿铭。他天生更是个道家人物。

一个宣扬君主制的叛逆者、一个把儒家学说当作人生哲学的浪漫主义者、一个拖着奴役标志的辫子而自傲的独断独行的人——正是辜鸿铭身上这种自相矛盾的特性，使他成了现代中国最有趣的人物之一。

［第35期，1934年8月30日］

MR. WU LAI-HSI (吴赉熙)

"There are not seven, but eight, wonders of the world: I am the eighth," says Mr. Wu Lai-hsi; and looking at him, one smiles and, wishing to be polite, inwardly assents to what is after all a very modest assertion of a fact. Tall and thin as a bamboo-stick, with his head looking more like a mop than anything else, Mr. Wu would be noticeable in any company. But those big ears of his, which stick out at right angles to his head, make him indeed a wonder and a delight to look at. Any visible tendency in the beholder, however, is at once checked by the sentiment of memento mori which the big black eyes, set in a very cavernous pair of sockets, inspire—eyes which seem to converse with the skies, and to see things, which no mortal has either seen or heard of.

The ascetic and other-worldly appearance of Mr. Wu is emphasized still more by his negligence in dress. It almost seems as if Mr. Wu does not know what he puts on. His clothes hardly deserve to be called clothes: they look more like... well, I really don't know what they look like.

This indifference of Mr. Wu to his appearance is the outward expression of a mind forever voyaging through strange seas of—thought? yes, but let me add, of beauty too. I have said a little while ago that his eyes seem to see things, which no mortal has either seen or heard of. When I say that, I don't mean it to be metaphorical: I mean it to be an exact description of a fact. For if there is one characterisic which stands out very prominently in Mr. Wu's make-up, it is this restless search of his for I know not what unearthly beauty and what saving knowledge. Those fierce, dreamy eyes have caught sight of some Belle Dame sans Merci perhaps, —some romantic vision of an impossible ideal. If the vision had been constant, it might have held Mr. Wu down to one single line of activity, which would best give expression to that ideal; but being inconstant, it has fired him with all the ardour of inspiration, without any of the thoroughness which comes from constancy. The result is that Mr. Wu jumps about from one thing to another, doing everything well, but not well enough to be excellent. For instance, to have heard him play on the violin is to make one regret that he doesn't play it now. Maybe, the vision which lured him once to do so never comes to him now: so the violin is forsaken, and he remains in memory only a good amateur, but not a musician. As with his violin-playing, so with his other activities; he does well enough to make one regret, but never so well to make him a master.

For a good many years, Mr. Wu has taken to Chinese porcelain as his hobby and his life-work. He has been very happy at it, and visitors to his house have caught his infection. No delight can be greater than spending an afternoon with Mr. Wu, talking about ceramics. To see him handle porcelain is to have an education in the art of love: nothing can be finer and tenderer. One can only hope that in this the vision will not desert him. But alas! one can never tell; for recently, the familiar porcelain vases are no longer to be seen in Mr. Wu's drawing-room: their places are usurped by scroll-portraits of some of the ruling princes of the Ts'ing dynasty.

But whatever the whirligig of Mr. Wu's taste and fancies, one thing, I am sure, will never change: his honesty and kindness to friends. There may be better, and cleverer, people than Mr. Wu, but there cannot be a better, and a more honest, friend.

[No. 36; Sep. 6, 1934]

吴赉熙先生^1

“世界上有八大奇观而不是七大奇观^2，我就是那第八个。”吴赉熙先生这样说。看着他，你准会笑，为了礼貌，嘴上不说，心里会同意，这毕竟是对于事实很得体的承认。吴先生高而瘦，像一根竹竿，脑袋更像个拖把，在任何人中间都很容易辨认出他来。但是，他那两只大耳朵，和脑袋成直角向外支棱着，确实使他成为奇人，而且看上去很有趣。然而，见到他的人要作出任何明显反应的意向，都会立刻被深陷在眼窝中的一双又大又黑的眼睛唤起的死亡征兆的情绪所制止——那双眼睛似乎在和上天交流，能看见凡人没有看见过也没有听说过的东西。

吴先生那副超凡脱俗的苦行僧似的相貌，更由于他的不修边幅越发显得突出。吴先生似乎都不知道他穿的是什么。他的衣服实在不配叫作衣服：那样子倒像是……哎，我也实在不知道像是什么东西。

吴先生对外貌的这种漠不关心，实际是他心灵的外在表现，他的心灵永远航行在陌生的海洋上——思想的海洋吗？不错，但是我要加上，还有美的海洋。我方才说过，他的眼睛似乎能够看见凡人所不曾见过也不曾听说过的东西。我那样说，并不是在用比喻，而是在准确地描述事实。因为，如果说吴先生的性格中有个十分明显的特征，那就是这种无休无止地寻求——我不知道是一种什么样的——非尘世的美和救赎知识。他那双热烈、恍惚的眼睛或许已经看见某个“无情的妖女”3——某种难以实现的理想的浪漫幻影。若是那个幻影恒定不变，就有可能使吴先生从事某一种活动，以充分表达那种理想；但是那幻影并不恒定，激发了他全部的灵感，却不曾有只能来自恒定的彻底性。其结果就是，吴先生便在一件又一件事情之间跳来跳去，做什么都做得挺好，但是总也不能好到无可挑剔。例如，听过他拉小提琴就会为他现在不再拉而感到遗憾。也许，曾经诱使他那样做的幻影现在不再出现了，于是他放弃了小提琴，他至今在人们记忆中便仍然只是个优秀的业余提琴手，而不是一个音乐家。他在其他方面也像拉小提琴一样，做什么都能做得好到使人遗憾他不再做了，却不能好到使他成为大师。

曾经有好多年，吴先生喜爱中国瓷器成癖，而且这还成了他的终身事业。他乐此不疲，来到家里的客人也会被他感染。用整个下午的时间与吴先生谈论瓷器，最大的乐事莫过于此。看他摩挲那些瓷器，就是在学习爱的艺术；没有什么能比他对待瓷器更加细心、更加温柔了。人们只能希望，在这一方面，他内心的那个幻影不要离他而去。但是，谁都说不准。最近，他的起居室里那些熟悉的瓷瓶不见了，取而代之的是清代某些当权王公的卷轴画像。

但是，不管吴先生的兴趣爱好变成什么，我肯定，有一点永远不会改变，那就是他对朋友的诚恳和善良。可能会有比吴先生更好、更聪明的人，但却没有比吴先生更好、更诚恳的朋友了。

［第36期，1934年9月6日］

MR. WU CHIH-HUI (吴稚晖)

Mr. Wu Chih-hui has often been compared to the great Dr. Johnson. Indeed, Mr. Wu is in many ways not unlike the author of the Rambler himself.

To begin with, Mr. Wu, like Dr. Johnson, is remarkable for his looks—remarkable of course not in the sense of handsomeness of a well-groomed person, but in the sense of being uncouth and yet that very uncouthness has become an attraction in itself. The "rollings of his huge frame" and the extremely careless manner in which he dresses himself do not repel us, for the simple reason that we have come to accept them as natural with him. For without these characteristics, Mr. Wu would cease to be himself. Besides, God has made him what he is, and we mortals should never question the wisdom of a Being greater than ourselves.

Of Dr. Johnson's capacity for talk, practically every schoolboy has been told. Similarly: Mr. Wu is justly famous as a conversationalist. He, too, loves "to fold his legs and have his talk out." Macaulay said of Dr. Johnson that "when at a loss for good reasons, he had recourse to sophistry; and when heated by altercation, he made unsparing use of sarcasm and invective." The same is true of the veteran Kuomintang leader. Moreover, although Mr. Wu has a spontaneous sense of humour, it is seldom as subtle as that of the compiler of the Dictionary of the English Language. In fact, it may be said that Mr. Wu's humour is of the unconscious kind. It is the humour of a Benvenuto Cellini, who provokes laughter unintentionally and is a dispenser of fun in spite of himself.

Dr. Johnson was a Tory, and Toryism, as somebody defined it, is less a political than a social creed. "Its rockbottom principle is the acceptance of the state of life unto which, in the language of the catechism, it has pleased God to call us." In this sense, however, Mr. Wu is not, and can never be, a Tory. He is, on the contrary, a Whig, nay, a radical revolutionist. He is well known not only for his atheism, but also for his anarchistic convictions. It must be said, however, that the years have brought him wisdom, and he is now more moderate at least in his views of politics. He has in fact become an ardent supporter of the Kuomintang government, and may yet follow in the foot-steps of General Chiang Kai-shek and become also a pillar of the Southern Methodist Church.

[No. 37; Sep. 13, 1934]

吴稚晖先生^1

吴稚晖先生常被比作那位了不起的约翰逊博士^2。确实，吴先生在许多方面也都和这位《漫步者》的作者十分相似。

首先，吴先生和约翰逊博士一样也以相貌闻名。当然，相貌之闻名并不是因为衣冠楚楚、潇洒英俊，而是由于土气。然而，那种土气本身已经变成为一种魅力。他那“硕大身躯的一摇一摆”，他那不修边幅，都不会令我们厌恶，因为我们已经把这些看成他自然而然的一部分。没有这些特点，吴先生就不再是他自己了。何况，上帝已经把他造就成这个样子，我们这些凡夫俗子永远也不该怀疑一个比我们伟大得多的神明的智慧。

约翰逊博士的口才，是每一个小学生都听说过的。同样，吴先生也正以健谈享有盛誉。他同样喜欢“盘起腿来发表长篇大论的演说”。麦考利曾经说，约翰逊博士“在找不到正当的理由时就会诉诸诡辩；在争论得兴起时也毫不吝惜冷嘲热讽和破口叫骂”。这位国民党的元老也不相上下。此外，尽管吴先生有一种自然的幽默感，却很难能像那位《英语辞典》编纂者那样含蓄。其实，可以说，吴先生的幽默属于不自觉的那种。那是一种切利尼^3式的幽默，并不刻意逗人笑，而人们不由自主会觉得好笑。

约翰逊博士是一名托利党人^4。托利主义，就像有人说过的那样，与其说是政治主张，还不如说是一种社会信仰。“其根本原则是接受我们身处其中的生活现状，用教理问答手册的语言说就是，如系天意。”从这种意义上说，吴先生不是，也绝不可能是一名托利党人。恰恰相反，他是一名辉格党人^5，岂止，甚至是一名激进的革命党人。他不仅仅是个著名的无神论者，还是一个尽人皆知的无政府主义者。不过，应该说，经历过的风霜给他带来了智慧，他至少在政治观点上已经变得温和了。事实上，他已经成为国民党政府的热情支持者，可能还会追随蒋介石将军的步武，成为基督教监理会^6的中坚信徒。

［第37期，1934年9月13日］

MISS KU ZING-WHAI (顾静徽)

The other day I was listening to a heated discussion on the subject of women's education—what an age-old topic! I call it primitive, for to think at a time when women's position in the society has been more or less established that there should still be doubts as to the advisability of educating your daughter or sister. However, doubt exists, even among women themselves, although they only whisper it among themselves. Well, the consensus of opinion is, that higher education is not necessary for women, because they very seldom make use of it. One person held the view that he had known a woman biologist who went to teach English all her life long, and another Master of English Literature who got married and did not know how to rear her children. The absurdity of the contention is not for this column to refute. But to come back from my digression. The point is how this controversial conversation led me to see how very few man of that type knew women like Ku Zing-whai.

That Zing-whai and I should become fast friends is rather strange. She and I never went to school together (as if having the same Alma Mater gives the affinity between friends). Her scholastic interest is quite different from mine; she buries herself among figures, bottles, plates whose very nature is alien to me! We did, however, share an apartment together for six or eight weeks when, in our exile student days, I did the cooking and she the dish-washing. I liked her then not because she could wash thoroughly or because she let me take my afternoon nap immediately after my lunch. The fact that one could so like her in such a short time is a recommendation itself.

Zing-whai is a native of Kating, a small town off the Shanghai-Nanking Railway, a small town that, nevertheless, boasts of its progressiveness. She distinguished herself in Chinese in the Kiangsu Provincial Normal School at Soochow, that scenic spot where old-time-beauty once thrived with old-time-scholar! Zing-whai was the youngest in her class, but one of the most brilliant. Later she went to Utopia College to prepare herself for going abroad. It was there that she stood out definitely as a future physicist and mathematician. She was graduated from Cornell University. Yale gave her her Master's degree, and the University of Michigan made her a full-fledged Doctor of physics. Her scholastic record was flawless. She is now connected with the Academia Sinica in the department of physics.

But Zing-whai as a person is even more lovely. Short in statue, yet embodying such a great mind, quiet, unpretentious, she moves among her friends a helper and comforter. Her spirit of sympathy is unimpeachable. Her friends can always go to her with their tales of woe and be sure that she'll give a ready and listening ear. That is her primary character, her interest in others. That is also true liberalism—always have room for other people's opinion. She does not like talking for the sake of talking, which most men [perhaps the writer means women!] find amusing and thrilling. Yet she has a sense of humour which most people lack.

You see, if only my friends who discussed so hotheadedly over the question of women's education had gone, instead of to the cabarets and members of women's clubs, to intelligent women to find the achievement of an educated woman, how much wasteful conversation could have been saved. But then, what will there be for them to talk about?

[No. 38; Sep. 20, 1934]

顾静徽女士^1

一天，我在听取有关妇女教育问题的讨论——多么古老的话题啊！我称之为原始，想想看，在妇女的社会地位已经或多或少确立的时代，居然还会怀疑对你的女儿或姐妹进行教育是否可取！然而，怀疑确实存在，甚至存在于妇女自己中间，虽然她们只是私下里悄声低语。不错，人们都认为，妇女无须接受高等教育，因为她们很少使用受教育所获得的知识。有人说，他认识一位学生物的女士，却去教了一辈子英语；还认识一位英国文学硕士，结婚后竟不知道怎样带大她的孩子。这种争论的荒谬不是本栏所要驳斥的，言归正传。我要说的是，这种有争议的讨论使我意识到，认识顾静徽这类女人的人实在太少了。

静徽和我能成为莫逆之交是相当奇怪的。我和她从不曾一同上过学校（好像同一个母校就会在朋友之间形成亲密的关系）。她的学术兴趣和我的完全不同，她埋头在数字、瓶子和盘子之间，我对此则一窍不通！但是，在出国留学的日子里，我们确实曾在一套公寓房内住过六个或八个星期，我做饭，她洗碗。那时候我喜欢她并不是因为她洗碗干净，也不是因为她肯让我一吃完午饭就去睡午觉。能有人在这样短的时间内就这么喜欢她，这一事实本身就是值得称道的。

静徽是嘉定人。嘉定在沪宁铁路线上，虽然是一个小城，却以进步自豪。她在苏州读江苏省立师范学校时，中文成绩出类拔萃。苏州是一个景色秀丽的地方，曾经才子辈出，佳人如云！静徽在班上年龄最小，却是最出色的学生之一。后来她进大同学院，为出国留学做准备。在这个学院里，她以确定无疑的未来物理学家和数学家的前景脱颖而出。她毕业于康奈尔大学，取得了耶鲁大学的硕士学位，密歇根大学则培养她成为了合格的物理学博士。她的学业记录无可挑剔，现在任职于中央研究院物理研究所。

但是静徽的为人更加可爱。她身材娇小，才智高超，文静而不矫揉造作。和朋友们相处时，她乐于助人、善于安慰。她的同情精神毋庸置疑。朋友们随时可以来找她诉说自己的伤心事，而她，总有倾听的耐心。那是她的主要特点，即她对别人的关心。那也是真正的宽容大度——总有容纳别人意见的心胸。她不喜欢为了谈话而谈话，那是大多数人（或许作者指的是女人！）都觉得有趣和令人兴奋的事情。然而，她有大多数人所缺乏的幽默感。

你瞧，要是那些为了妇女的教育问题讨论得那么起劲的人不是去看歌舞表演和妇女俱乐部的会员，而是去找有才智的女士，就会发现受教育妇女的成就，就能节省多少无聊的废话呀。但是，到了那个时候，他们还有什么可谈呢？！

［第38期，1934年9月20日］

MR. YANG PING-CH'EN (杨丙辰)

From whichever angle one looks at him, Mr. Yang Ping-ch'en is a remarkable man. He is remarkable for his dress. He is remarkable for his looks. And he is remarkable for his ways. If Dante were to be alive now to rewrite his Divine Comedy, he would have to create a new place for Mr. Yang; for Mr. Yang belongs neither to Heaven, Purgatory, Hell, nor Limbo. He is too good for Hell; not innocent enough for Limbo; all too human for Heaven; and too utterly devoid of divine grace, ever to hope for redemption in Purgatory. Mr. Yang is a genus in which there are no species. He is a kingdom all to himself.

The first time I saw Mr. Yang was ten years ago. What took my eye then, still takes my eye now is—his tall Gladstonian collar, his blue double-breasted coat, his broad, dusky face and his shock of wiry hair. He has not changed during all these years. He never looked young in 1924, and he doesn't look young now; but he certainly doesn't look old—just like his collar, never clean perhaps, but not exactly dirty—a bit dubious in colour, that's all.

Mr. Yang has a sturdy figure. Of medium height, with a body made to stand the wear and tear of life, and not for show, Mr. Yang gives one the impression of a man, who does not know what it is to be tired. After ten hours of hard work and a strenuous game of mahjong, he looks just the same as when he first gets out of bed. It is not that he is ever healthy or fresh. It is that he never knows what it is to be ill.

In dress, Mr. Yang is anything but particular. Of some, it may be said that they are made for their clothes and not their clothes for them. In Mr. Yang's case, his clothes are neither made for him, nor he for them. So they be big enough, any clothes will do for him. Indeed, Mr. Yang cannot be said to wear his clothes: he just flops into them. For this reason, the most suitable attire for him to be in would have been the Chinese long gown; but for some ultra-mundane reason, Mr. Yang seldom puts on Chinese clothes; he invariably dons foreign clothes which have a dim resemblance to those made in the nineteenth century in Germany.

The most interesting feature in Mr. Yang's whole make-up is, of course, his physiog. It is like something which has strayed into the modern age from a period before there was any light. A broad face, a receding forehead, big, heavy jaw-bones, a small nose, and eyes which twirl and twirl and never rest. A smile, which looks more like a grin. Dusky in colour. Hair, which no matter how often it is cut always appears much too long and moppy. Withal, though, a very lovable face—a face which would inspire liking in children; a face which shows a little shrewdness and not a little naivety; a face which may cause some merriment in the beholder perhaps, but one in which loyalty and good fellowship are writ large.

Mr. Yang's specialty is German literature. But he spends just as much time in philosophy as in literature. One may find it hard to believe, but logic is also one of his pet subjects. Now he is actively engaged in literary criticism by running almost single-handed a magazine, which is called Literary Criticism (文学批评).

But Mr. Yang is at his best when he talks about ghosts and magic and the by-ways of Buddhistic lore. His face, his gestures and his credulity have then a charm, that even a beautiful, clever woman cannot rival. But is this not because Mr. Yang is himself a charming ghost?

[No. 39; Sep. 27, 1934]

杨丙辰先生^1

无论从哪个角度看，杨丙辰先生都是一个出奇的人物。他的穿着出奇，相貌出奇，作风也出奇。如果但丁还活着，要重写他的《神曲》，就得给杨先生开辟一片新的境地；因为杨先生既不属于天国、炼狱、地狱，也不属于地狱边境^2。对于地狱，他未免太良善了；对于地狱边境，他又不够纯洁；对于天国，他有过多的凡人气味；又完全没有受到神的眷顾而难以指望到炼狱里去获得救赎。杨先生是属内无种，自成一界^3。

我第一次见到杨先生是在十年前。当年吸引我注意，如今依然吸引我注意的，便是他那格莱斯顿式的高领圈^4，双排扣蓝色外套，宽阔、黝黑的脸膛和令人震惊的铁丝般的头发。这么多年过去了，他一点儿也没有改变。1924年的时候，他看上去并不年轻，现在看也不年轻，却也实在不显老——就像他的领圈，也许从来就没有干净过，却也不能算脏，只不过颜色有点难说就是了。

杨先生体型健壮、中等身材，生就一副经得起生活磨难而不是为了让人观赏的体格。杨先生给人的印象是，从不知疲倦为何物。在辛苦工作十个小时，又打了场紧张的麻将牌之后，他看上去就跟刚刚起床的状态一样。这并不是说他永远健康或精力充沛，只是他从来不知道什么叫生病。

在衣着方面，杨先生从不讲究。有些人，可以说，是为了衣服而生，而不是衣服为他们而做。杨先生的情况是，既不是衣服为他而做，也不是他为衣服而生。只要衣服够大，他随便穿什么都行。其实，不能说杨先生是穿衣服，他是扑到衣服里面去的。因此，最适合他的衣服就该是中式长衫了。但是由于某种超俗的原因，杨先生很少穿中式服装。他经常穿的西装，有点像19世纪德国裁缝做的那种。

杨先生最有趣的特点，当然还是他的面相。他那副相貌就好像是宇宙洪荒、混沌无光时候的产物由于迷路而误入我们的时代——宽阔的脸庞、向后倾斜的额头、宽大粗重的下巴、小鼻子、转来转去不肯停歇的眼睛；还有与龇牙咧嘴无异的微笑、黝黑的肤色、不管剪得多勤都显得太长太乱的头发。虽然如此，他却有一副十分可爱的面孔——招孩子们喜欢的面孔，显得有点精明而又相当天真的面孔，让人见了也许觉得好笑但显然看得出诚恳和友善的面孔。

杨先生的专业是德国文学，但是他花在哲学上的功夫并不少于文学。人们也许难以置信，但是，逻辑也是他偏爱的学科之一。目前，他正热衷于从事文学批评，几乎是单枪匹马地在主持一个叫做《文学批评》的杂志。

但是，杨先生最拿手的却是谈鬼论怪、大讲佛教的旁门左道。那时，他的面孔、他的手势、他的深信不疑，就有一种迷人的魅力，那种魅力甚至冰雪聪明的佳人也难以匹敌。这不正是因为，杨先生本身就是一个迷人的幽灵吗？

［第39期，1934年9月27日］

DR. FUNG YU-LANG (冯友兰)

He is the historian of Chinese philosophy. I say this without doing any injustice to Dr. Hu Shih who has to his credit the famous Outline History of Chinese Philosophy, a brilliant but lop-sided work. Now Dr. Hu has been so many things that it would puzzle the most hard-boiled of pigeon-holing critics if he were called on to classify him. Well, to other people other excellences, let us give the palm to Dr. Fung as a historian of Chinese philosophy.

Don't suppose that Fung's magnum opus (A History of Chinese Philosophy) is such pleasant reading as Hu's Outline History. By no means. It is, among other things, written in an exceedingly uncouth style and dull with the dullness that is born, as Horace Walpole says, of taking pains. This is more a misfortune than a fault. Fung seems to have been so much possessed by his historical sense that he has lost some other useful senses, e.g. the sense of humour and the sense of style. But then, his book can do without these graces. It is written primarily by a scholar for scholars, and all scholars, it goes without saying, pay homage to the cult of Dryasdust. Fung has succeeded in clarifying many issues hitherto confused and giving complete portrayals of all types of philosophy. No one has more details at his command and no one has more command over his details. In his humble and homespun way, he is of the kin of Burnets and Zellers, Windelbands and Erdmanns.

I have heard that Fung stammers a good deal. Does that explain his peculiarly hesitating and non-conducting written style? Perhaps the style is the man, perhaps not, I have not had the privilege of listening to his lectures on philosophy, and I imagine that with "omm-jectives" and "summ-jectives" constantly dinning into the ear, they cannot possibly be very stimulating. But I seem to be mistaken. Students who have listened to him told me that he can take advantage of his stammer to score a point or lay an unctuous emphasis. If he tells a joke in the class, the students to a man wait in breathless suspense for the final point; and when he has at last triumphantly passed through the rolling fire of repeated sounds and reached the much waited-for point, the whole class breaks into a hearty laughter as much out of relief as out of mirth.

Fung is rustic in appearance, dishevelled and slattern. The scholar is written legibly all over him. His ruddy face with its smooth forehead and engaging smile would be cherubic but for a suspicion of the beard about the chin and a pair of powerful glasses. His eyes look so deep behind the glasses that it gives one the feeling of falling down to the bottom of a pit to look at them. It is said that he is not above playing a little school politics. We sincerely hope that he plays with a neater hand than he writes.

[No. 40; Oct. 4, 1934]

冯友兰博士^1

他是中国哲学史家，我这样说对胡适博士并没有什么不公。胡博士写有著名的《中国哲学史大纲》，那是一部出色的著作，然而却略有偏颇。如今的胡博士已经是多重荣誉集于一身的名流，最实事求是的分类评论家要来给他归类，也会惶然不知所措。那么，让别人去得到荣誉，就让我们把中国哲学史家的桂冠送给冯博士吧。

不要以为冯博士的大作（《中国哲学史》）会像胡博士的《哲学史大纲》一样好读。不，绝不好读。除了别的原因之外，它的文体极其笨拙，也像沃尔浦尔^2所说的那样费尽心思而枯燥。这更应该说是一种不幸，而不是一种过失。冯博士似乎具有太强的史学意识而丧失了其他诸如幽默感和文体意识之类有益的自觉。但是，这部著作没有这些优点也行。这主要是学者写给学者读的一部著作，而所有学者对学究气自是存有敬意的。冯博士成功地澄清了许多一向混淆不清的问题，对各种类型的哲学进行了完整的描述。没有人能掌握更多的具体资料，也没有人能更好地驾驭这些资料。他谦虚而朴实的风格与伯内特、泽勒、文德尔班和厄尔德曼之类的哲学家相差无几。3

我听说冯博士口吃得厉害。不知这是不是导致他文笔曲折婉转而不直截了当的独特风格的原因？或许文如其人，或许未必。我未尝有幸听过他的哲学课，但我想象着“ommjective”和“summ-jective”4之声不绝于耳，这样的声音听上去索然寡味。不过，我好像是错了。听过他讲课的学生告诉我，他能利用口吃来为自己选用适当的措辞或是突出某个容易被忽略的重点。如果他在课堂上讲一个笑话，所有的学生都会屏住呼吸静待最后的结局。当他结结巴巴、一个字音重复了多次而终于说出了大家一直期盼着的结局时，全班人就会由于可笑，也由于悬念落实，而哄堂大笑。

冯博士外表质朴、头发蓬乱、不修边幅，浑身上下学者气十足。他那红润的脸庞、光洁的额头、再加上迷人的微笑，若不是下颏长了些胡须、鼻梁上架着一副大框眼镜，看上去就是个胖乎乎的娃娃脸。镜片后面那双深邃的眼睛，看上去让人顿觉如坠深渊。有人说他未必就不会玩点儿学校政治，我们诚恳地希望他玩起来能比写文章利索些。

［第40期，1934年10月4日］

LIU TIEH-YUN (刘铁云)

Based on an article by his nephew, Dr. D. K. Lieu, in "The Jen Chien Shih." —Editor.

If you stand by any roadside bookbooth and run your eyes over the titles, you will as likely as not catch the name of a popular novel, The Travelogue of an Old Man (老残游记). But the book is popular not only among hardly literate readers of cheap fictions, it has also gained the admiration of the literati, and many a close observer admires the accuracy with which he painted what was future to him but past to us. For instance, he predicted that there would be boxer uprising in the north and revolution from the south. His calculation of the ten "heavenly stems"and the twelve "earth's branches" in this connection is just a matter of language, the language in which he cloaked his shrewd observations and with which he spoke intelligently and convincingly to the people of his time. A book of such popularity will at once put the author on a sound financial basis in America, but in China, Liu Tieh-yun, the author of this popular novel, did not, we suspect, get a single cent out of it.

To the curio collectors, Tieh-yun was well known as a good collector, but he was greater than both a novelist and an antique connoisseur, in that he was an ardent advocate of the new regime. He was exiled to Sinkiang where he died, because he cast his lot with the Paohuangtang to fight against the reactionary power of the Empress Dowager in hope that by restoring Emperor Kwang Shu to power the new regime might get a fair trial. He was among the pioneers who advocated a thorough study, and a whole-hearted introduction, of the Western culture to cure China's ills. And curiously enough he was also a pioneer among the antique collectors who first paid some attention to the antique bones and tortoise shells, whose inscriptions have, when deciphered, thrown no small amount of light to China's ancient history. His passion for his antiques, however, was among the causes of his death. Tuan Fang, one of the highly influential Manchu officials, saw his collection, took a fancy to one article and tried to buy it cheap. At first he refused, and then he thought the better of it and presented it to Tuan Fang as a gift. But having been offended, Tuan Fang was among the first to cause his exile.

Tieh-yun came from a well-known family, and his father was for many years a military commander in Honan, who cooperated with the famous Tseng Kuo-fan in suppressing the Nien Rebellion in Shantung, Anhwei and Honan, which came close upon the heel of the Taiping Rebellion. When retired, he came to live in Huaian, Kiangsu. He and his older son were among the strong advocates of the introduction of Western science and culture. His older son, Tieh-yun's elder brother, began to study French at the age of 30 with some Catholic fathers. Tieh-yun became very much interested in his elder brother's study of foreign books, especially mathematics and medicine.

He belonged to the type of Chinese, who were aptly described by Han Wu Ti as "scholars who kick rather than accept the rein," and he never tried to compete for degrees in the government examinations. However, Chang Han-sien, governor of Shantung and an old friend of the family, knows Tieh-yun well and gave him a job in his yamen. But because of his advocacy of the new regime he was, as all advocates of the new regime then were, accused of being a traitor, and he had to resign from his post. He next went to see Li Hung-chung, another old friend of the family, who, treating Tieh-yun like a nephew, sharply rebuked him for his boldness that earned him the title of a traitor and asked him how he was to get any promotion thereafter. This drew out the following reply: "Truly I have earned the nickname 'traitor', but I am young and have but little to my credit, so I am only a little traitor. But you, my uncle, are old and have much to your credit, and you are accused of being 'the old traitor'. If I could only follow your footsteps, what is there to stop me from climbing to the top rung of the official ladder?"—a reply which brought a smile upon Li Hung-chung's sullen face.

Tieh-yun did not take to journalistic writing for the advocacy of the new regime, he would rather speak to the influential officials to convince them of its necessity. Seeing that the officials at empress Dowager's court were but faint-heartedly flirting with anything new, he joined the Paohuangtang with the tragic result already mentioned. However, there is something heroic about his advocacy of the new regime. When the government decided to build the Tientsin-Pukow railway and was in need of land to build the station and jetty in Pukow, he freely donated several hundred mou of his land there for the purpose.

[No. 41; Oct. 11, 1934]

刘铁云^1

根据刘铁云之侄刘大钧博士发表在《人间世》上的文章编译。——编者

如果你立足在路边的售书摊旁，放眼浏览那些书名，就很可能会看到这样一本畅销小说：《老残游记》。这本小说不仅受到识字不多的廉价小说读者群的欢迎，而且，也赢得了文人学士的钦佩。许多仔细的评论家于作者描绘对于他尚未发生、对于我们已成过去的一些事件之准确，大加赞赏。例如，他曾经预言，义和团将起事于北方，而革命将来自南方。在这一方面，他对十“天干”、十二“地支”的推断，只是一个措辞问题。在这种措辞里隐藏着他敏锐的观察，他机敏而有说服力地对同时代人所讲的也是这一类措辞。一本这样受欢迎的书，要是在美国，立刻就会使作者置身于殷实的富户之列；但是在中国，我们相信，这部畅销小说的作者刘铁云不曾因此获过得一分钱的收入。

在古玩收藏这一方面，铁云是个非常著名的行家。然而，他不只是小说家和古董鉴定家，他还是新政的热诚拥护者。他被流放到了新疆，并且死在那里，因为他把自己的命运和保皇党联结在一起来反对慈禧太后的反动政权，希望光绪帝重掌大权，能让新政得到一次公平审判。他也是主张认真学习、诚恳引进西方文化以疗救中国痼疾的先驱之一。奇怪的是，他还是最早给予甲骨以关注的古物收藏先驱之一，而甲骨上的刻痕经过解读，对了解中国古代历史有着突出的贡献。然而，他对古董的癖好，也成了他的死因之一。端方^2，一位权倾一时的满族官员，见到他的藏品，看中了其中一件，打算低价买下。起初他拒绝了，后来经过考虑，他还是把它作为礼物送给了端方。但是，已经被得罪了的端方，成了导致他流放的为首官员中间的一个。

铁云出身于名门世家，父亲是在河南为官多年的武将，曾经和著名的曾国藩^3联手镇压山东、安徽和河南等地紧随太平天国之后的捻军^4之乱。他父亲卸任后，居住在江苏淮安，他和他的长子都强烈主张引进西方科学和文化。他的长子，即铁云的长兄，30岁开始跟天主教神甫学习法文。铁云对长兄读的外国书非常感兴趣，尤其是对数学和医学。

他是汉武帝所描述的“泛驾之马，跅弛之士”，从来没有参加过科举考试。然而，山东巡抚张翰仙^5是他家的老朋友，很了解铁云，给他在衙门里安排了一个差事。但是由于他拥护新政，像所有的新政拥护者一样，他也被指控为汉奸，不得不辞去职务。接着，他去拜见他家另一位老朋友李鸿章^6。李鸿章待铁云如待子侄，狠狠训斥了铁云一顿，批评他因狂妄大胆而赢得了一顶汉奸的帽子，责问他今后还能指望有什么升迁。他答道，“小侄被骂为汉奸，事诚有之。然小侄年幼，办事尚少，仅一小汉奸耳。老年伯勋绩卓著，外间亦呼为汉奸，是乃老汉奸矣。小侄但能步老伯后尘，岂惧不能上进乎？”——这个回答令李鸿章阴沉的脸上露出了笑容。

铁云不喜欢利用新闻写作鼓吹新政，他更愿意去游说有权势的官员，让他们晓得有必要实行新政。鉴于慈禧太后的朝廷官员对任何新事物采取的都只是怯懦的摇摆态度，他加入了保皇党而导致了上文提到的悲惨结果。然而，他在拥护新政方面曾有豪壮的表现。当政府决定铺设津浦铁路，在浦口需要车站和码头用地时，他慷慨捐献了好几百亩自己的土地。

［第41期，1934年10月11日］

CHANG TAI-YEN (章太炎)

Largely based on an article by Tsao Chu-jen in "Jen Chien Shih" —Editor.

Chinese Philistines who in their talks are fond of discussing the merits of present day writers are not infrequently heard waxing enthusiastic about Chang Tai-yen and comparing him to the literary luminaries of the Tang and Sung dynasties, such as Han Yu (韩愈) and Su Tung-po (苏东坡) or his contemporary like Liang Chi-chao. But that would be an insult to a man who regarded the belles lettres of the Wei (one of the three kingdoms) and Chin dynasties alone as comparable to that of the later period of Chow dynasty worthy to be imitated by later writers but decried the masters of the Tang and Sung dynasties as too much tied down to the teaching of the Confucian ethics to express themselves freely, or too boastful and loose in their reasoning or too vulgar. A certain editor wrote him in the last years of the Ching dynasty desiring to obtain his permission to print certain essays of his in a collection of fifty contemporary writers, and this elicited a reply from him that he would rather throw his writing into wastepaper basket than see it appear side by side with that of the other men of letters of that time. In 1914, when he was imprisoned by Yuan Shih-kai in the then Peking, he wrote on May 23 to his family, and among other things he said: "After my death, the Chinese culture is done for!"

What a proud and haughty man to have written like that. But justly he may well be proud. He is among the very foremost scholars of Chinese classics. His special contribution in this field is the explanation of the "borrowed" uses of words through similar pronunciations. Among his students are Chien Xuan-tong and Hwang Chi-kang, two of the leading students of phonetics in China today. His imprisonment by Yuan Shih-kai led him to study Buddhism, and to produce a commentary on one chapter of Chuang Tse and three essays on human nature, all in light of Buddhism. The latter group of essays was regarded by his ardent supporters as having eclipsed all the writings of the Sung and Ming philosophers on this subject.

But to others Chang Tai-yen is sometimes spoken of in jest as one who is a bit "off his nut." By the end of Ching dynasty Kang Yiu-wei was regarded by Liang Chi-chao and his other disciples as a sort of pope to the Confucians; they even expected heavenly signs to confirm this honor which they did to their leader. It also gave rise to the rumor that Kang Yiu-wei was plotting to become an emperor. When one of Chang's friends asked him if he had heard anything about Kang plotting to become an emperor, he answered: "What I heard is that he wants to be a pope, not an emperor. But honestly it is nothing unusual for a man to think of becoming an emperor one day. What is most unreasonable is that he wants to be a pope." This at a time when he was serving at a viceroy's yamen in Wuchang, when the Ching dynasty still showed no sign of tottering down! The eulogical scrolls he wrote and sent to funerals of Li Yuan-hung and Sun Yat-sen were anything but complimentary to those in power. Who but one who is a little bit off his nut would think of behaving like that?

[No. 42; Oct. 18, 1934]

章太炎^1

取材于《人间世》上曹聚仁的一篇文章。2——编者

在中国，不时可以听到，有些喜欢议论时下作家成败得失而又并不在行的附庸风雅之辈，对于章太炎的热情正在升高，他们把他和唐宋大家的韩愈、苏东坡等人或是他的同辈梁启超相比。而这样一种类比对于这样一位学者不啻侮辱，因为他认为，只有魏晋文章才能和东周诸子相比，才配成为后世作家楷模，而批评唐宋大家过分拘泥于儒家伦理说教而不能言所欲言，或是立论说理过分夸张而不够严谨或是流于庸俗。清代末年，有一位编书人曾经写信给他，希望能得到许可把他的若干篇文章，收进一个当代五十家文集。回答是，宁愿把他的文章扔进字纸篓，也不愿看到它们和当时其他人的作品排列在一起。1914年，被袁世凯囚禁于北京，5月23日，他写信给家人，其中有这样一句：“我死后，中国文化也将告终！”

能够写出这样一句话的人该是多么傲慢自大！但是平心而论，他有理由自傲。他是中国经籍出类拔萃的学者之一。他在这一领域的特殊贡献，是对文字同音假借的阐释。在他门下，有钱玄同、黄季刚这样的学生，他们是今日中国声韵学的两大学者。被袁世凯囚禁，导致他对佛学的研究，并以佛理注疏《庄子》一章^3，撰写探讨人性的文章三篇。在他热诚的支持者看来，他这三篇，使宋、明两代同一论题的所有著述相形失色。

但是在别人看来，有时被以玩笑的口吻称作“疯子”。清代末年，康有为被梁启超辈学生奉为孔教教主，他们甚至期望上天垂象肯定他们对这位领袖的尊崇。于是便有谣言，说康有为密谋称帝。章氏一个友人问他，是否听说康氏有密谋称帝的活动。他回答道，“我只听说他想当孔教教主，而不是想当皇帝。但是，老实说，一个人想在某天当上皇帝，未必就是非非之想；最不可思议的，倒是想当教主。”这时他正在武昌供职于总督衙门，大清朝尚未显示出动摇迹象！而他为黎元洪和孙中山所撰挽联，又都不是对于权势人物的恭维。若不真是有点疯了，谁会想到如此这般行事？

［第42期；1934年10月18日］

MR. TENG H. CHIU (周廷旭)

Mr. Chiu is one of those artists, whom Nature tries her best to wean from their love of Art. She has made him look anything but an artist. Any one may very well take him for a banker. His comfortable proportions, his broad plump face, his quietness, his decorous manner of attiring himself, his slow movements, his soft purring voice, his engaging smile, —all are qualities which one would expect in one's banker: they do not inspire enthusiasm, but they certainly breed confidence. Now, one does not go to a banker to be rapt off the earth: that would mean panic, and panic is not a desirable state to be in, when one is considering financial questions. But one would be disappointed in an artist who, instead of communicating to one the feeling of transport (to use a Longinian expression), only loads one with the feeling of confidence. At the first contact with Mr. Chiu, it is just this feeling of disappointment that one feels. But it would be wrong to allow this feeling to persist. For if ever there is an artist in China, Mr. Chiu is certainly such a person. He has the body and appearance of a banker, but the soul and temperament of an artist. A slightly better acquaintance with Mr. Chiu will at once reveal to one, all the traits of a genuine artist in him.

For one thing, he has the essential simplicity of an artist. His contact with the world is naked and direct. He has nothing up his sleeve. By this, I don't mean to insinuate that his mind is simple. There is all the difference in the world between a simple mind and the sort of simplicity I have in view. By the "essential simplicity of an artist," I mean that intense and undivided allegiance of an artist to his Art, which brooks no second love. He sees everything through the medium of his Art. He jealously keeps the medium transparent and pure, so that no secondary considerations either of money or of material advantages will warp his vision of the world. He glories in the lust of the eyes and the pride of life. His wish, in the words of Sir Philip Sidney, is to make the too much loved earth more lovely still. To possess such a simplicity of vision is the sine qua non of an artist. Mr. Chiu has it. That he is not conscious of it stamps him all the more as an artist born, and not made.

Mr. Chiu is one of the few Chinese, who have seriously studied Western Art. Like all serious students, he has wisely decided to learn to walk, before attempting to fly. He has not tried to startle by any innovation, either in technique or design; but neither has he, on the other hand, tried to capture attention by bad workmanship, which in art circles is often euphemistically called "personal eccentricities."

Mr. Chiu has studied for many years in America, England, and Paris. His academic record has been most brilliant. The Creswick Prize of 1926, and the Turner Gold Medal of 1929 from the Royal Academy, London, are a few among the many signal distinctions, with which he has been honoured. He is a prophet not without honour, save in his own country. The reason for this, of course, is because Mr. Chiu hasn't got the gift of the gap. To be a successful artist in China, it is not only necessary to paint well, but it is even more necessary to talk well...about one's own pictures!

If I am asked, what are the qualities which characterize Mr. Chiu's pictures, I would answer, —refinement of eye, and sensitiveness of hand. They are not, perhaps, the qualities which can make one enthusiastic. But what of it? Enthusiasm for Mr. Chiu's pictures will come later when, with perfect mastery of his technique, he will have learnt to put more boldness into his brush.

[No. 43; Oct. 25, 1934]

周廷旭先生^1

有时候大自然会千方百计迫使一些艺术家放弃对艺术的爱，周先生就是这样一位艺术家。大自然赋予他一副什么都像就是不像艺术家的相貌。任何人都很有可能把他看成一个银行家。比例匀称的身材、胖胖的圆脸、文静的仪表、得体的衣着、从容的举止、轻柔低沉的嗓音、招人喜爱的笑容——这都是人们期望于银行家的品质：这一类品质不能激发热情，却肯定有助于产生信任。人们去找银行家并不是为了寻求魂飞天外的感受：魂飞天外意味着惊恐，而惊恐正是考虑财务问题时不希望出现的状态。如果一个艺术家不能给人以心神荡漾的体验（借用朗吉努斯^2式的表达），而只能给人以信任，人们定会感到失望。第一次和周先生接触时所能感觉到的，正是这样一种失望。但是如果让这种失望持续下去可就错了，因为，如果中国真有个艺术家的话，那便是周先生。他有银行家的身体和相貌，却有艺术家的灵魂和气质。对周先生稍许熟悉一点，立刻就会看出他身上真正的艺术家所有的特质。

举例说，他有着艺术家本质上的单纯。他和世界的接触毫无掩饰、直截了当。他没有任何隐瞒。我这样说并不是暗示他头脑简单。在头脑简单和我心目中的那种单纯之间，有着天壤之别。我所谓“艺术家本质上的单纯”，是指艺术家对艺术那种强烈的专一的忠诚，不容许另有所爱。他通过艺术这个媒介来看待一切，并很戒备地保持着这个媒介的纯洁和透明，以免有关金钱或是物质利益的次要考虑歪曲了他对世界的看法。他为眼中的渴望和生命的自尊而骄傲。他的愿望，用菲利普·锡德尼爵士^3的话说，就是使这个被喜爱得过分的世界变得更加可爱。具有这样一种单纯的洞察力，是一个艺术家的必要条件，周先生就具备。他具备但并不自知，就更加显得他是个天生的艺术家，不经造作。

只有少数的中国人严肃认真地研究过西方艺术，周先生便是其中一个。像所有严肃认真的学生那样，他明智地决定先学走，再学飞。他并没有试图以技巧或是构思的标新立异惊世骇俗，也没有用艺术圈内常被委婉地称为“个人癖好”的粗制滥造哗众取宠。

周先生曾在美国、英国和巴黎学习多年，学习成绩非常出色。他曾经获得许多大奖，1926年的克雷齐克^4奖和伦敦皇家学院1929年的透纳^5金质奖章，只是其中的两项。他同样也是受尊敬的先知，除了在他自己的国度。其所以如此，是因为周先生未能具有能说会道的禀赋。在中国，一个成功的艺术家，不仅要画得好，甚至更要说得好……要善于为自己的作品自吹自擂！

如果有人问我周先生的画有什么特点，我就会回答：观察细致，画法灵巧。这样的特点，也许还不足以激发人们的热情。那又有什么关系？随着技法的日趋纯熟，他下笔会更加大胆，那时为周先生的画而掀起热潮的时机就会来到。

［第43期，1934年10月25日］

CHEN T' UNG-PE (陈通伯)

Thin, of medium height, with a sallow complexion, Mr. Chen is obviously made more for indoor, rather than for outdoor, work. Off the chair, he is not himself. On the chair, he is in his element, either for talking, reading, teaching, or (I am tempted to say) for fighting. His sedentary habit has moulded his body into a question mark. This is not noticeable when he sits down, but the moment he stands up, the weight of his head seems too much for his spinal chord to support: hence the pronounced stoop.

There seems to be nothing remarkable in Mr. Chen's appearance. But his is a face which, once seen, is not easily forgotten. There is something sinister about it, the more so when it is writhed into smiles. It always gives one the impression of a withdrawing of something somewhere. Is it the withdrawing of claws or of fangs? Or is the withdrawing more in the nature of the retreat of a tiger into its lair? I don't know, but somehow I would rather have Mr. Chen's scowl than his smile.

There is magic in Mr. Chen's large eyes. Well set in a sharply chiselled face, crowned by hair which is parted in the middle, his eyes eat their way through everything and everybody. Even when the eye-lids are droopy and tired, the eyes are always clear and bright. There seems to be every virtue in them, —penetration, intelligence, quickness, wit. But there is no kindness. Faults are only seen as faults. Accompanying the diagnosis, there may be laughter, but it is the derisive laughter of satire, not the kindly laughter of humour. So it is that, when Mr. Chen's eyes light on one, they make one uncomfortable and inexpansive: one feels that to unfold oneself in such company would be dangerous. Most often, therefore, one shuts oneself up before him; and one takes away from his presence only the memory of his clear and beautiful, but unkind, eyes.

Mr. Chen is most happy and at his best in the silent company of his books. And what a company. His catholicity of interest is reflected in the multitude and the variety of his books. There are books on all kinds of subjects under the sun. What is more, Mr. Chen reads them. Very few of his books are any good from the bibliophile's point of view. Mr. Chen is not interested in beautiful bindings and beautiful printing. This explains why it is that so many of his books are second-hand. He buys books to read, and not to look at. Although his wide reading shows the catholicity of his interest, it does not, however, give evidence of a catholic mind. Like his three favourite authors, —Jane Austen, H. G. Wells, and Anatole France, —Mr. Chen certainly has a good deal of "sense and sensibility" in what he does and says, but like them, too, there is also a good deal of "pride and prejudice" in his view of persons and things.

Besides reading, Mr. Chen finds his pleasure and ease in writing and translating. Most of his writings are in the nature of criticism. This is as one would expect. His forte is to analyse and satirize. With what ineffable lightness and clarity he does it! There is first the sinister smile, —the luring of the subject into the tiger's lair. And when he has sufficiently played with the subject, he gobbles it up, with a sneer or a laugh. To vary the figure, Mr. Chen's critical method always reminds me of a cat on a lawn playing about with a mouse on a cold, bright day in mid-winter. It's beautiful and cold to look at, and it always ends up in murder as a fine art.

Mr. Chen is, at present, Dean of the College of Arts of Wu-Han University. He runs the College with such good sense that it is now reputed to be the best of its kind in China. This should occasion no surprise, as in all those qualities of moderation, clear-headedness, and commonsense, which a good administrator ought to have, Mr. Chen is a shining example. For this reason, I should be happy to have Mr. Chen as my boss in any administrative work I have to do, but I should certainly not like to have him as my only companion in a desert island.

[No. 44; Nov. 1, 1934]

陈通伯^1

陈先生体形消瘦、中等身材、面色苍黄，显然天生不是户外工作的料，只适合做室内工作。一离开椅子，他就不是他了。一坐上椅子，他就百事可为，可以说话、读书、讲课，我甚至想说，还可以打上一架。他这种久坐不起的习惯已经把他的躯体塑造成了一个问号。他坐着的时候还不惹眼，但是，只要一站起来，他的头就显得太重，难以为脊柱所支持，于是便形成了明显的弯曲。

陈先生的相貌似乎没有什么特别之处，但是他的脸却叫人见过一次就终生难忘。脸上有点凶相，尤其是想笑的时候，给人的印象是要把什么东西收到什么地方去。是收缩利爪，还是收缩毒牙？或者本质上更像是老虎后退到洞穴中去？我不知道，但是我宁愿看见陈先生横眉怒目也不愿意看见他笑。

陈先生具有魔力的一双大眼睛，端正地镶嵌在见棱见角的脸上，头顶上的头发从中间分开，锐利的目光可以看透一切事物和一切人。甚至在眼皮疲倦下垂的时候，眼睛也总是清澈明亮依旧。眼神里好像各种优点都有——洞察力、理解力、敏捷、机智，但缺乏善意。缺点总是被看作缺点。有时，伴随着审视也会有笑声，不过，那是讥讽的嘲笑，不是出于幽默善意的笑。所以，陈先生的眼光落到一个人的身上，就会让人觉得不自在、不舒畅；让人觉得和陈先生这样的人在一起时敞开胸怀会有危险。因此，人们在他面前十有八九是把自己封闭起来，从他身边带走的，只是对于他那双眼睛的记忆：清澈、漂亮，却缺乏善意。

陈先生最开心的时候是和他的书默默相伴的时候。那是什么样一种相伴啊！他的兴趣之广反映在他的藏书数量之大、种类之多上：世间一切课题一应俱全。而且，陈先生是读书的。从藏书家的观点看来，他的那些书一概乏善可陈。陈先生对漂亮的装订和精致的印刷全都不感兴趣，这就是为什么他会有那么多二手书的原因。他买书是为了“读”，而不是为了“看”。虽然他的博览群书能够表明他兴趣的广泛，但是却不能表明他心胸宽阔。就像他喜爱的三位作家——简·奥斯汀^2、威尔斯和阿纳托尔·法朗士^3一样，陈先生在他的所言所行中也确实很有一些“理智与情感”。但是，在他对人对事的看法中，也像他们三位一样，也掺杂着不少“傲慢与偏见”。4

在读书之外，陈先生还从写文章和翻译的活动中找到乐趣和消遣。他的文章大多属于评论性质，这是人们可以料想得到的。他擅长于分析和讽刺，文笔是那么轻松明快，实在是语言所难以形容！首先是那阴险的微笑——把目标引进虎穴，玩弄够了之后，发出一阵冷笑或是狂笑，再把它一口吞掉。换一种说法，陈先生的评论方法总会使我想起严冬晴朗而寒冷的一天，一只猫在草地上跳来跳去戏耍一只老鼠的情景。看起来既有趣又冷酷，结果都不外乎是以艺术的形式完成一次凶杀。

陈先生目前是武汉大学文学院院长。他主持学院很有见地，这个学院现在已经成为中国同类院校之佼佼者。这并不出人意外，因为一个优秀管理人员应有的品质——稳健、清醒、常理——在陈先生这样一位光辉的典范身上无不具备。因此，在我必须做的任何行政工作中若能有陈先生这样的领导，我会非常高兴，但是我确实不希望在一个荒岛上只有他和我作伴。

［第44期，1934年11月1日］

SUN DA-YU (孙大雨)

Of personal beauty, Da-yu is no star. One does not think of him as another Wen Fei-ching (温飞卿), but as another Ho Tsu (贺铸), of whom his contemporaries used to say that he was the "king of devils" (鬼头). Ho Tsu lived in the Sung dynasty; his lyrics were known principally for their wistful and nostalgic quality; he sang of willow trees at twilight and of partings at dawn; he makes us hear the dripping of autumnal rains and wakens in us memories of our own longings in idleness. When we read Da-yu's poems, we get also the same feeling. His poems do not give us a feeling of exhilaration, instead, they invariably leave us a bit sad and dissatisfied with the world.

But, lest it be understood that Da-yu is a pessimist by conviction, let me hasten to add that he is in fact one of most cheerful persons that I have ever met. To those who do not know him intimately, he may appear a bit proud and satisfied with himself. In reality, however, his aloofness is due merely to his shy and retiring nature which is apt to manifest itself in the presence of strangers. Unlike most Chinese whose ability to control their emotions is proverbial, Da-yu would blush and behave awkwardly when he feels embarrassed. He is by no means "thick-skinned," and his sensitiveness not infrequently leads him to quarrel even with his best friends. But, at heart, he is good-natured—sometimes, even to a fault. That, one may say, is his essential weakness; for in the society of highway robbers and petty politicians, his good nature is liable to be prevailed upon and made a tool of.

Da-yu is a hedonist. He likes to surround himself with beautiful things and enjoy life to the fullest extent. He has a passion especially for well-printed books. In his student days, he used to spend practically all his monthly allowances on them, until today he has probably the finest collection of books in the English language in China. He is in his best element sitting in his own library, handling the rare and fine editions as if they were his loving children. To see him in such moments is a revelation indeed.

Besides his poems in Chinese, Da-yu has also translated Sun Kuoting's treatise on Chinese calligraphy (孙过庭书谱) into the English language. He has just finished his translation of Cellini's autobiography, and is at present engaged in rendering Shakespeare's King Lear into Chinese.

Da-yu is now married. Would his marriage make him more contented with life and inspire him to greater heights in poetry, and would it kill the spark in him and make him into another of those fatheaded bourgeoisie, whom he so much despises? This is what all his friends would like to know, but at present cannot tell. And who knows but that Da-yu may yet surprise them!

[No. 45; Nov. 8, 1934]

孙大雨^1

就仪表而言，大雨绝不是明星。人们不会认为他是另一个温飞卿^2，却会认为是另一个贺铸^3。贺铸被同时代人称为“鬼头”，生活在宋代，他的词以惆怅、怀旧著称。他咏叹薄暮烟柳、拂晓离别；他让我们聆听秋雨滴落，唤醒我们记忆中无聊赖的思绪。我们读大雨的诗也会有相同的感受。他的诗不能给我们以欢快振奋的感觉，却总会勾起一些哀愁和对世界的不满。

但是，为了不把大雨理解为笃定的悲观主义者，我要赶紧补充说一句，他是我所认识的最欢快的乐天派之一。在所知不深的人看来，他似乎有点骄傲自满。然而事实是，他的冷漠孤傲只是由于生性羞怯，尤其是在陌生人面前。不像大多数善于控制感情的中国人，当大雨感觉到尴尬时，就会面红耳赤、手足无措。他绝不是个“皮厚”的人，由于敏感甚至和最要好的朋友吵起架来，也不是不常见的事情。但是实质上，他是个好脾气的人——有时候甚至脾气好得过分。人们也许会说，那是他的本质弱点；因为在这强盗横行、政客充斥的社会里，他的好脾气会被利用成为别人的工具。

大雨是一名享乐主义者，他喜欢坐拥美好事物，充分享受生活。他酷爱印制精美的书籍。在学生时代，他把每个月的零用钱几乎全都用来买书。直到今日，他的英语书籍可谓是中国最上乘的藏品。坐在自己的书房里，摩挲着那些善本，就像抚弄他自己挚爱的孩子，他会有一种得其所哉的感觉。看到这种时刻的他，真能启人神思。

除了用中文写诗，大雨还曾把孙过庭^4论述中国书法的《书谱·卷上》译成英文。他刚译完切利尼的自传，目前正在把莎士比亚的《李尔王》5译成中文。

大雨现在结婚了。他的婚姻是会使他对生活更加满意，并且鼓舞他在诗歌领域攀上新的高峰，还是会扑灭他心灵的火花，使他成为又一个他自己所鄙视的愚钝的中产阶级分子呢？这是他所有的朋友都想知道而目前无法预言的。谁知道呢，也许大雨会使他们全都大吃一惊！

［第45期，1934年11月8日］

LIANG CHUNG-TAI (梁宗岱)

I have never met anyone who is so irrepressibly cheerful as Chung-tai. His cheerfulness is sometimes distressingly alarming. Even if he knows for certain that doom is impending over him, he will, I am sure, still pass his days with gay unconcern: he will be thinking so much of the little bit of sunshine left over to him, that he will forget all about the great masses of shadow and darkness on the other side of the picture. Of that range of sentiment, which is gathered up in the words carved on the tomb of the Cardinal in the Capuchin church at Rome,

PULVIS ET UMBRA ET NIHIL,

Chung-tai is a stranger. The fact is, Chung-tai is hopelessly in love with life. With him, it is heaven to be alive. It is enough for him that he breathes. He smiles his way through life. We smile, many of us, because we have nothing better to do, but Chung-tai smiles as if that is the best possible thing he can do.

This cheerful temperament of his is expressed in his face, which is either wreathed in smiles, or drawn out taut, as of one who is eager to gobble up everything that life has to offer, and to echo back with smacking lips the words of the Almighty: "And behold, it is good!" The sharpness of his features and his staring eyes suggest an intelligence, which thirsts to explore the countries of the mind. But the moist lips and the flush of health on his face imply a certain decided aptness for sporting "with the tangles of Neaera's hair," and for long dwelling in that world, which the ancient Greeks peopled with Pan and Dionysius and satyrs, and which the Hebrews allotted to the sons of Belial.

Chung-tai has got the physique of an athlete. Of average height, and tending towards the spare side, he may pass any day for a Marathon runner. In actual fact, he is a splendid walker. He prides himself, with an appalling exaggeration, which is all the more amusing for being wholly unconscious, on being able to walk faster than a motor-car, or (is it possible?) than an aeroplane. He loves swimming too; and I hesitate to say what he thinks of his own prowess in this respect, but in any case it must, I feel sure, defy the limitations of reality. However, the pains he takes by means of Sandow exercises and what nots, to keep himself in trim, are truly worthy of a Y.M.C.A. saint.

Chung-tai loves to argue. With him, to argue seems almost like being engaged in some violent exercise, when hands, legs, body, head and eyes participate. This physicality is especially noticeable when he walks: it then becomes just as difficult to keep up with his pace as it is with the rapidity of his talk. The more heated the argument, the quicker he walks. He screams, he gesticulates, he kicks the air. In a room, the same thing happens. The subject of argument may be nothing more dangerous than a discussion on the relative merits of Longfellow and Tennyson as poets. One never can guess the explosive nature of any subject, until one talks about it with Chung-tai. Any innocent theme might fire the train. For this reason, it is very exhausting to talk with him. A talk never remains a talk with him for long: it always ends up in a battle.

Chung-tai's chief interest is literature. And his gods are T'ao Yuan-ming, Paul Valéry, Montaigne, Shakespeare, Racine, and Pascal. Their works, he is never tired of reading. He reads aloud Valéry's poems with so much gusto and unction, that one readily imagines oneself listening to a crusading sermon by a fanatic on the deceitfulness of the flesh and the devil.

Valéry's motto Faire sans croire, Chung-tai endorses as his own. But I think the motto is not a true description of Chung-tai's philosophy of life. He does not, it is true, believe in God, and Progress and Immortality. But he certainly does believe in himself, in the sweetness of life, the delights of literature, and the desirability of women. If any one, after a long immuration in some severe studies, should forget what it is to be alive, he should look at Chung-tai to know what that means. If any one for some reason or another should fail in desire, he should see the fire in Chungtai's eyes and the quiver of passion in the moist lips to catch some heat to warm up his own waning interest in the world of the five senses. For I have never in my whole life come across any man, who is so much alive, so full of passion for all the glory of this world of the ears, the eyes, the touch, the taste and the smell, as Chung-tai. So long as he is alive, so long will I believe that passion, and poetry and life are good things—nay, the best things that man can have before he goes to his long home.

[No. 46; Nov. 15, 1934]

梁宗岱^1

像宗岱那样开心得不能自已的人，我还从来没有遇见过。那种开心有时会使人担忧：即使他知道即将大祸临头，我相信，他也还会无所忧虑地过他的开心日子。他会非常看重给他剩下的一点阳光，能够把另一侧的重重阴影和黑暗完全忘个干净。对于镌刻在罗马嘉布遣会^2红衣主教墓上的铭文“尘土，阴暗，虚无”所表达的那种伤感情绪，宗岱可是完全陌生的。事实是，宗岱对于人生热爱得如痴如狂。在他看来，活着就是置身天堂，能够呼吸也就心满意足。他一路欢笑度过人生。我们许多人的笑，是因为没有更好的事情可做，但是宗岱的笑，仿佛认为那是他能做的最好的事情了。

他欢快乐天的秉性，都从他的脸上流露出来。他那张脸不是笑成一朵花，就是拉长绷紧，像是急着要把生活所呈现的一切全都吞咽下去，再用咂巴得山响的嘴唇重复着上帝那句话：“看，很好！”他那棱角分明的相貌和凝视的眼神透露出聪慧，渴望着对心灵世界作深入的探索。然而，他那湿润的双唇和健康的晕红脸色，又暗示着一种坚决的能力来摆弄“尼爱拉^3纠缠难解的头发”，来长久盘桓在古希腊人与牧神、酒神和森林之神居住又被希伯来人划给了堕落天使后裔的那个世界^4。

宗岱有运动员的体格。中等身材，体态偏瘦，随时都可能被认为是马拉松运动员。而实际上，他很能走路。他常以夸张得吓人的口气说他走路比汽车甚至比飞机还要快（可能吗）——由于不是存心地夸张，所以越发好笑，而他却引以为自豪。他还喜爱游泳，我不敢说他觉得自己在这方面技能如何，但是无论如何，我相信，那一定是超过了实际的能力。然而，他为了保持身体健美按照山道^5健身法之类勤奋锻炼所下的功夫，倒不愧为一位基督教青年会的圣徒。

宗岱喜欢辩论。他辩论起来，几乎就像剧烈运动，手、腿、头、眼和身体全都参与其中。这种身体特征在他走路时表现得尤为明显，这时要跟上他的脚步就像要跟上他说话的速度一样困难。辩论愈是激烈，他就走得愈快。他会尖声高叫、大作手势、跺脚踢腿。即使是在室内，情况也一样。辩论的主题很可能并不比朗费罗^6和丁尼生^7这两位诗人的长处更危险。至于哪一个话题具有爆炸性，不到和宗岱讨论的那一刻，你是不会知道的。任何一个单纯的问题都有可能点燃导火索。因此，和他谈话会累得你精疲力竭。和他谈话，时间一长就不成其为谈话了，到头来总是以吵架告终。

宗岱的兴趣首先在文学。他心目中的神明是陶渊明、保罗·瓦莱里^8、蒙田、莎士比亚、拉辛^9和帕斯卡^10。对他们的作品，他是百读不厌。他朗诵瓦莱里的诗篇，兴致勃勃、津津有味，人们很容易想象是在听一个狂热的传教士就肉欲和邪念的欺骗性发表征战的布道演说。

瓦莱里的格言“为而弗信”，也成了宗岱自己的格言。但是我觉得这条格言并不是宗岱人生哲学的真实描述。他确实并不相信上帝、进步和永生。但是他肯定相信的，是他自己，是人生之甜美、文学之怡情、女人之可爱。如果有人由于钻研某种艰深的学问长时期闭门苦读而忘掉了什么是生活，去看看宗岱，就能懂得生活是什么了。如果有人由于某种原因而缺乏欲望，就应该去看看宗岱眼睛里的火焰和湿润双唇的激情颤动，借点热量来升温对这感官世界逐渐冷却的兴趣。因为我这一生还从来没有遇到过任何人能像宗岱那样充满生命活力，那样充满对这视、听、嗅、味、触可感世界的动情热爱。只要他活着，我就相信激情、诗和生活全都是好东西——岂止如此，应该说是人在回到最后的归宿以前所能得到的最好的东西。

［第46期，1934年11月15日］

HSU SHEH-YU (舒舍予)

Among the readers of the contemporary Chinese literature, the name Hsu Sheh-yu is seldom heard, but with his nom de plume "Lao Sheh" (老舍) it's quite a different story. Among his better known works are "Lao Chang's Philosophy" (老张的哲学), his maiden effort which, though written years ago, is still "going strong" in sales, and "Po's Birthday"(坡的生日), a work modestly appraised by himself as "comparatively satisfactory." The author himself likes it because, as he puts it, "I like children. Although I am a middle-aged man, I still retain, to some extent, the innocence of my childhood."

The speech he delivered to the students of the Tsing-tao Municipal Middle School and published in The China Times some time ago, was largely autobiographical, because the topic he was requested to speak on was "My Experience in Writing," so we have here the opportunity to look at, not his intimate portrait, but his self-portrait, which will be far more satisfactory.

"When I was a child," he began, "I had no special talent. In the 'private school' of the old days, I was often beaten by the teacher. When I entered a 'new school,' because of my previous study of the classics, my record in Chinese was comparatively better. In spare time I still kept on reading the classics. I entered a normal school for my secondary education, and I paid more attention to education and Chinese classics than any other subject. If there were government examination for the graduating classes as we have now, surely I would not be able to pass these examinations….

"I love old poetry too," he continued, "when the poems are 'plain like our daily language.' I love botany and I love to plant flowers….

"When I was young, I was not a good 'mixer' and I often laughed at people's doing with scorn, sarcastic laugh. But when I left school to work, then I realized that I hadn't been always right…."

"When I was 25, I taught in the Nankai Middle School," Lao Sheh was now coming to his experience in writing, "most of my colleagues were fond of writing stories, and I wrote one too. That was twelve years ago…. I discovered then that I had the talent to 'crack jokes,' which was inborn and not acquired. Half of the merit in my writing is due to my fluent tongue…." Mr. Hsu is certainly right, for he is one of the few writers who write really good Pekingese mandarin.

"At 27, I went to England, which changed my ideas radically. Had I remained in China, I would never have thought of taking fiction writing seriously…." But to England he went, and young China ought to feel grateful about it.

[No. 47; Nov. 22, 1934]

舒舍予^1

在当代中国文学的读者群中，很少人听说过舒舍予这个名字，但是提到他的笔名老舍，情况就不一样了。在他知名的作品中，有《老张的哲学》，他的处女作，至今仍在旺销。还有《小坡的生日》，他自己谦称“比较满意”。作者自己喜欢，据他说，是因为“我喜欢孩子。虽然我已是中年人，但在某种程度上，还保留着童年的天真”。2

他在青岛市立中学对学生们所讲，前不久刊登在《中国时报》上的那篇演讲，基本上是自传性的，因为请他讲的题目是“我的写作经验”3，于是我们有机会在这里看到的，就不是“亲切写真”，而是他的“自画像”，可以令人满意的程度会远大于前者。

“我小时候，”他开始道，“并没有什么特殊才能。老早读私塾时，常挨老师打。进了新学堂，由于以前读过古文，成绩就比较好了一些。有闲空功夫，我会继续研读古文学。我受的中等教育，是在一所师范学校，和其他科目相比，我更偏重教育和古文。如果有现在这种国家统一毕业考试，我一定会通不过……”

“我也喜欢古诗词，”他继续说，“如果那些诗‘明白如同日常说话’。我喜欢植物学，我喜欢栽花……”

“年轻时，我不善于交际，常用轻蔑的冷笑嘲笑别人做的事情。但是当我离开学校开始工作，我才意识到我并不总是正确……”

“25岁那一年，我在南开中学教书，”接下去他谈到他的写作经验，“我的同事大都爱写小说，我也写了一篇。那是12年前……这时我才发现，我有说笑话的才能，这是与生俱有，而不是后天获得的。我写作的长处，一半要归功于流畅的语言。……”舒先生说得十分正确，因为他是能用纯正北京官话写作的少数作家之一。

“27岁，我到了英国，我的思想发生极大的改变。如果留在国内，我永远也不会想到要认真对待小说写作……”但是，他到了英国，年轻的中国应该感谢他能有此行。

［第47期；1934年11月22日］

MR. EUGANE SHEN (沈有乾)

Self-effacement is not necessarily a virtue. With many people, it is simply a pose—a pose intended to be ironical and mocking; in other words, an understatement carried to absurdity, so that its thin veil of disguise may be easily, as it is meant to be, penetrated. There are cases, to be sure, to which the above does not apply. With Mr. Shen, for instance, one feels that self-effacement cannot be anything but genuine. He has no desire to impress others; because he of all men truly possesses a sense of humour. The ability to see himself as others see him helps him to realize that to clamour for attention is merely to lend oneself to ridicule. In the company of strangers, or even of friends and acquaintances, Mr. Shen is always the good listener. In fact, one has seen him sitting through a feast for hours on end without uttering a single word.

It must not be understood that Mr. Shen is a poor talker. On the contrary, he could be very eloquent, when he is excited, which, however, he seldom is. At school, he was well known as a debater and orator. He also took part in theatricals, and was a member of the college glee club. According to the theory of Dr. Adler, a man who possesses a natural defect has a tendency to over-compensate it by developing the corresponding faculty so that he eventually becomes superior in just that respect in which he was originally inferior. When he was young, Mr. Shen was a hopeless stammerer. Whether, like Demosthenes, his later penchant for success in public speaking and amateur dramatics is a proof of Dr. Adler's thesis or not is of course a question which we cannot discuss here. But the fact that he finally trained himself to speak without strain or difficulty definitely shows that he must have a very strong power of will.

Pursuing this psychological discussion, learned scholars could undoubtedly draw the conclusion also that Mr. Shen's sense of humour is in reality a sort of compensation or defense mechanism for his feeling of natural inferiority. That of course may be so. Readers of The Analects can bear out my statement that Mr. Shen's humourous writings are almost without exception most delightful reading. In fact, I have no hesitation to say that he and Lao Sheh are two of the best humourists that China has produced in recent years.

Mr. Shen is a professor at National Chekiang University. His forte is statistics and symbolic logic; he has contributed articles on the former subject to many learned journals abroad, and he has also invented a system of notations for symbolic logic all his own, which has won the praise of the late Mrs. Ladd-Franklin and even Dr. Sheffer, whom Bertrand Russell in Principia Mathematica calls the Einstein of symbolic logic.

Primarily, Mr. Shen's fame rests on his studies in experimental psychology—the subject which he professes at Chekiang. However, so far he has not written any book on psychology, although he has already published a volume on the theories of modern logistics. The reason for this is not far to seek, as we have said at the beginning, Mr. Shen is a very modest man.

[No. 48; Nov. 29, 1934]

沈有乾先生^1

谦逊未必就是美德。对于许多人来说，那只是一种姿态——一种意在嘲讽的姿态；换句话说，一种自我贬抑的陈述，由于自贬到了荒谬的程度，那层故意自贬的薄纱，也就很容易如所预期地那样被看透。的确，有些情况和以上所述并不相符。沈先生就是一例，人们觉得他的谦逊就不可能不真诚。他并不想惹人注意，而他偏偏有一种真正的幽默感。能够像别人看自己那样来看自己，使他意识到，招人注意只能引来讥嘲。与陌生人在一起，甚至与朋友和熟人在一起，沈先生总是一个理想的倾听者。事实上，有人就曾经看见沈先生在一次宴会上一言不发，一连静坐了几个小时。

不能以为沈先生就不善言辞。恰恰相反，一旦激动起来，他也可能口若悬河，只是他很少激动。在学校时，他曾以擅长辩论和演说闻名。他还参加过戏剧演出，而且是合唱队队员。根据阿德勒医生^2的理论，一个有先天缺陷的人往往喜欢过分补偿来发展相应的能力，以便在原本处于劣势的方面最终占据优势。沈先生年轻时，口吃得厉害。至于他后来对公开演讲和业余演出的爱好——像狄摩西尼^3一样——是否印证了阿德勒的理论，当然不是我们在这里所能讨论的问题。但是，他终于把自己锻炼得言谈自如、毫无障碍，却足以表明他必定具有非常坚强的意志。

按照这种心理学讨论，有见识的学者一定也会得出以下结论，即沈先生的幽默感其实是对于他先天缺陷自卑感的补偿或防卫机制。当然，那是可能的。《论语》4的读者会证实我的说法：沈先生的幽默作品几乎无一例外地都很有趣。事实上，我可以毫不犹豫地说，他和老舍是中国近年来最优秀的幽默作家。

沈先生目前是国立浙江大学的教授。他的专长是统计学和符号逻辑学。他一直在给国外许多学术刊物撰写统计学文章，还为符号逻辑学发明了一套自己的符号体系，并为此而赢得了已故莱德–富兰克林夫人^5甚至谢佛博士^6的赞誉——罗素在《数学原理》一书中把谢佛博士称为“符号逻辑学的爱因斯坦”。

沈先生的声誉，首先建立在他对实验心理学的研究之上——那也是他在浙江大学教授的学科。但是，到目前为止，他还从来没有写过一本有关心理学的著作，倒已经出版了一卷现代逻辑学理论的书。其原因也不难找，我们在本文一开始就说过，他是一个非常谦虚的人。

［第48期，1934年11月29日］

MR. SHENG CHENG (盛成)

Mr. Sheng has told us all about himself in his book Ma Mère. But that was long ago. Lots of things have happened to him since then. He has married, and is now as fond a father as any of us. From being one of the taught, he has now become a teacher for many years among his own people. As private secretary of Chang Chi, he has had a taste of what it is like to be an official. Within the short space of two years, he has seen his country surrender Manchuria, and stage one of the most heroic fights in history in Shanghai. These things have not happened without having their traces on him. If he were to re-write his autobiography now, it would have to be a little different from before. But we doubt whether he'll ever do such a thing. We shall instead do it for him, —not in detail, for which we are not competent, but in the rough, which anybody who has spoken with him and shaken him by the hand can do.

Mr. Sheng looks his age, —the right side of forty. He has a few grey hairs, but his appearance and carriage are those of a man whom Time has only touched up with a light and leisurely hand. He is rather thin and tall, with a slight stoop in his gait. Restless and very much awake, he is most himself when he talks. Then it seems as if he is on the stage. He dramatises what he thinks. It almost appears as if his gestures and bodily movements are more expressive of what he wants to say than the torrent of words that tumble out of his mouth. Is it economics he is talking about? There is certainly logic and a good deal of sense in what he says. But what has the rightness or wrongness of a dramatis persona's economic views got to do with his acting? If the acting is good, we let the economic views take care of themselves. So also with Mr. Sheng. We attend to his expressive gestures and movements when he talks about economics, but we ignore his economics. Is it about Mallarmé, Romain Rolland and André Gide he is excited about? We are impressed by his excitement, but we very soon forget all he has to say about those idols of his. The acting is the thing.

This dramatic quality of Mr. Sheng's character is especially borne out by the manner he reads poetry. It is dramatic rather than recitative. In other words, we get a better idea of what he is reading by looking at him, than by listening to him. The modulations of his voice, his gestures and the swift changes of expression on his face, are those of an actor of poetry, and not of a reader of poetry.

This dramatic quality in Mr. Sheng would lead us to infer that his is a complex character. But strange to say, our first impression of him is of a naive person. His exuberant manner, his buoyancy, and his apparently reckless flow of words are undoubtedly responsible for this impression. But this impression is wrong. Mr. Sheng is a man of the world. He has been through much, and he has seen much and what is more, he has profited much from his experiences. The mind that directs that reckless flow of words is not reckless; it is very sensitive to atmosphere and persons. When it scents danger, it can shut itself up as effectively as an oyster. The flow of words may still go on, but as the ocean round a shut oyster. We get words and words, but not Mr. Sheng Cheng.

What is the real Sheng Cheng like? We don't exactly know. But this we know: he is neither so bad as his enemies make him out to be, nor so good as his friends imagine. He is like fire: its essence is to burn and to give warmth. Doesn't Mr. Sheng do that by his tremendous enthusiasm for causes, —good, bad and indifferent?

[No. 49; Dec. 6, 1934]

盛成先生^1

盛先生在他所著《我的母亲》一书中，把自己的情况全都给我们讲过了。不过，那已经是很久以前了。从那以来，他又经历了很多事情。他已经结婚，现在像我们中的任何人一样，也是个疼爱孩子的父亲了。他从一个受教育的学生变成自己国家的教师也已经多年。作为张继^2的私人秘书，他也领略了一点为官的滋味。在短短两年之内，他已经看到自己的国家放弃了东三省，并在上海开展了一场历史上无比英勇的战斗^3。这些事情的发生在他的心灵留下了深刻的印迹。如果他现在重写自传，一定会和以前有所不同。但是我们怀疑，他是不是会重写传记。我们将代他来做这件事情——不可能详细，我们也胜任不了；但是粗略的概述，任何一个与他说过话、握过手的人都能写。

盛先生的长相和年龄相当——四十出头，有几丝白发，但是他的容貌和仪态都表明，时光老人只是随意、轻轻触摸了他一下。他身材高而相当瘦，走起路来有点驼背。他生性好动，非常清醒，说起话来最有精神，就像登上了舞台。他能把所想的像演戏似地表演出来，好像他的手势和肢体动作都要比滔滔不绝从他嘴里说出来的话语更能传情达意。他是在谈经济学问题吗？他所谈的确实合乎逻辑、合乎情理。但是，一个剧中人的经济观点的是与非和他的表演又有什么关系呢？只要他表演得好，那他的经济观点如何就无所谓了。对于盛先生，情况也是这样。我们注意到他谈论经济问题时富于表现力的手势和动作，但是我们并不关心他的经济观点。他谈得那么激动的是马拉梅^4、罗曼·罗兰^5、安德列·纪德^6吗？我们对他的兴奋有深刻印象，但是很快就会忘记他为他那几个偶像都说过什么。重要的是表演。

盛先生身上的戏剧特点尤其在他读诗的方式上显得更加突出，那更像是演戏而不是朗诵。换句话说，我们看着他比支着耳朵听更能理解他读了些什么。他嗓音的抑扬顿挫、手势和面部表情的迅速变化，全都属于诗歌表演者，而不属于诗歌朗诵者。

盛先生身上的这种戏剧性特点，会让我们觉得他的个性比较复杂。但是说来奇怪，他给我们的第一印象却是一个天真幼稚的人。给我们形成这种印象的，显然是他那充满活力的态度、轻松愉快的样子和滔滔不绝的话语。但是这样的印象是错误的，盛先生可是个老于世故的人。他经得多，见得广，并且从阅历中受益无穷。指导那滔滔不绝话语的头脑并不鲁莽，对环境、对人感觉都很灵敏，一旦嗅到了危险的气息，就会像牡蛎一样立刻把自己密闭起来。滔滔不绝的话语还会继续下去，但是，那就像一只闭合牡蛎周围的大海。我们得到的是话语，而不是盛成先生。

真正的盛成究竟是什么样的？我们知道得并不确切。但是，我们知道：他既不像他的敌人所描绘的那样坏，也不像他的朋友所想象的那样好。他像一团火，火的本质是燃烧，是发热。无论是好事、坏事或平庸的事情，盛先生不都是以他极大的热情在燃烧、在发热吗？

［第49期，1934年12月6日］

LIU HAI-SOU (刘海粟) & LI CHING-HUI (黎锦晖)

Mr. Li Ching-hui is a writer of popular songs, while Mr. Liu Hai-sou is the president of a fine arts academy. That they are both "artists" is no reason for putting them on the same canvas; the reason is rather that they are alike in one respect, namely they are two of the most misunderstood persons today. They have been called charlatans and impostors, and in the case of Mr. Li, he has also been stigmatized as an immoralist. To be sure, the latter epithet was applied to Mr. Liu too once, but that was the time when the employment of female models in art schools was considered most shocking. Since then, people have learned to be more lenient in their judgment and have come to see that undraped female forms do not necessarily awaken in us ungodly desires but may in fact be objects of beauty. The people who upbraided Mr. Liu for his offence against morality have now forgiven him. He no longer calls forth moral indignations; whatever unfavourable criticisms that have been levelled against him at present come instead from the ranks of those who are suffering not so much from having a moral conscience as from an esthetic one. No one takes any notice of the imperfections of Liu as a man, but as an artist, not a few have taken him severely to task.

In the case of Mr. Li Ching-hui, however, he has never enjoyed any such change of fortune. From the very beginning of his career till today, he has been shunned by society as a person vulgar and depraved beyond the hope of redemption. He not only has written songs that appeal especially to maid-servants and cabaret girls, but also has the bad taste of permitting his wife and daughter to act in the films. The self-appointed guardians of public morals flock to see the girl-choruses trained by him, and are grieved to see that the young should be exposed to the temptations which they themselves find to be so irrestible. They shake their hoary heads, and lick their parched lips—and come home with the determination that such exhibitions of womanly charms should be banned, in the interest of social ethics and their own peace of mind.

Musicians also have heaped abuses upon Mr. Li, and have found many faults with his compositions. But in spite of all that, Mr. Li is as popular as ever. The reason is of course not far to seek. Although he employs the technique of Western music, his tunes are essentially Chinese. He is not content with copying others—that is why he has been called an ignoramus and an upstart by the other musicians in China.

Like Li, Liu Hai-sou also believes that the traditional art of painting in China has an intrinsic value which may not be inferior to that of the West. His attempt at combining the good qualities of the two forms of art in his own paintings may not be successful, but they are at least not unnoteworthy. He may not deserve emulation, but he certainly does not deserve calumny and abuse. They should at least be given a chance!

[No. 50; Dec. 13, 1934]

刘海粟^1和黎锦晖^2

黎锦晖先生是通俗歌曲作曲家，刘海粟先生则是一所美术学院的院长。他们都是“艺术家”这一点，并不能成为把他们相提并论的理由。要说理由，他们在一个方面有相似之处：他们是当今受误解最深的两个人。他们都被人们叫做骗子，而黎先生还被说成是道德败坏之人。当然，后一顶帽子也曾给刘先生戴过一次，那是在艺术学校雇用女模特的做法还被认为是伤风败俗的时候。自那以来，人们在评判这样的问题上已经学得宽容了，认识到一丝不挂的女性形体并不一定会勾起我们的淫荡欲望，而确实可以成为审美的对象。曾经严厉斥责刘先生道德败坏的人们现在都已经原谅他，他不会再激起人们的道德愤慨。加之于他的批评，现在并非来自道德良知的谴责，而是来自审美需求得不到满足。再没有人去注意刘先生其人的瑕疵，倒是颇有人对作为艺术家的他严加责备。

但是黎锦晖先生还从来没有遇到这种运气的转变。从他出道之日至今，人们一直把他当作粗俗下流、堕落得不可救药的人而避之唯恐不及。他不仅创作特别吸引女佣和歌舞女郎的歌曲，而且还有听任他的妻子和女儿参与拍摄电影的不良趣味。那些自封的公众道德卫士成群结队来看他排练的女子歌舞团的演出，为年轻人竟然也受到他们自己都非常难以抗拒的诱惑而感到悲痛。他们摇着白发苍苍的脑袋，舔着发干的嘴唇回到家，并下定决心：女性魅力的这样一种展示必须禁止，才能维护社会道德的利益和他们自己心境的安宁。

音乐家也对黎先生骂不绝口，并对他的音乐作品吹毛求疵。尽管如此，黎先生依然受到欢迎。原因当然也不难寻找。他虽然采用了西方音乐的技巧，曲调却是中国式的。他不满足于模仿别人——这就是别的中国音乐家说他不学无术、自命不凡的缘故。

和黎锦晖一样，刘海粟也相信，中国的传统绘画艺术自有其不低于西方绘画的内在价值。他试图把两种艺术形式的优点在自己的绘画中揉合起来的努力，可能还不成功，但是，至少是值得关注的。他也许不值得仿效，但是，也不该受到诽谤和辱骂。至少，应该给他们一个机会。

［第50期，1934年12月13日］

MR. LI SHIH-CH'EN (李石岑)

The late Mr. Li Shih-ch'en was well known as a teacher of philosophy. Personally, however, I like to think of him more as a poet than as a philosopher, that is to say, more as a man of feeling than as a man of intellect.

To instill poetry into philosophy could of course be done, but it is by no means within everyone's reach. Only such first rate geniuses as Dante and Goethe are capable of it. For, in one sense, philosophy is opposed to poetry, or, at least, to the spirit which underlies all poetry. No one perhaps has ever better understood the distinction between the two than Plato. In The Republic, he made Socrates address Glaucon thus: "Yes, my dear Glaucon, for great is the issue at stake, greater than it appears, whether a man is to be good or bad. And what will one be profited if under the influence of honour or money or power, aye, under the excitement of poetry, he neglects justice and virtue?" Plato is a rationalist through and through, in his opinion poetry, appeals solely to the "spirited" and the "emotional" part of our nature; its guiding principle is "pleasure and pain"and not virtue and justice. Poets are only enamoured with their senses and the sorry play of the shadow-images on the walls of the cavernous regions, described so eloquently by Plato in his allegory. Ignorant of "the true existence of things," they are apt to mistake their private delights and pleasures for beauty itself.

But, be it understood, such indictment is only directed against false poetry; for, as Plato elsewhere said, true poetry, which is the discernment of absolute beauty, is equivalent to philosophy itself. Unfortunately, true poetry is difficult as it is rare, and its cultivators and devotees are few. Among these, the late Mr. Li could not be not numbered, for he was too much of a sensualist to be a lover of absolute beauty, and too much of a seeker of pleasure to be a lover of wisdom. He was a student of philosophy, yes, but only per accidens. Philosophy was only one of the many splendid garments which he sometimes put on; its pursuance gave him pleasure, but one doubts if it ever gave him genuine satisfaction or wisdom. His Casanovesque proclivities, which, alas, are only too well known, often stood in his way and made it impossible for him to realize, as Plato did, that the craving for physical union is only a manifestation of our love of immortality, to achieve which truly, one has to "pass from one fair form to all fair forms, from fair forms to beautiful deeds, from beautiful deeds to beautiful conceptions, until from beautiful conceptions comes the knowledge of beauty supreme."

Mr. Li's favourite philosophers are Nietzsche, Guyau and Bergson. For these thinkers gave him a justification for what he believed and acted on instinct. The sowing of wild oats, with him, is only the conscientious and consistent application of the doctrines of élan vital and the "Will to Power." The taking of virginity gave him a sense of his own vitality, and incidentally confirmed also Guyau's teaching that the good man is the man who could not contain himself, and is eternally over-flowing with the energy of life. Unfortunately, society being what it is, could not bring itself to appreciate the strange doings of the race of Supermen, and for this reason, Mr. Li has been branded by it as a scamp and a rascal.

But, then, as I have said before, one must do Mr. Li justice. Mr. Li has been more sinned against than sinning; the irregularities of his life, deplorable though they may be, are nevertheless not inexcusable, if we were to judge them from the point of view of Spinoza's God. What he did are neither good nor bad, but simply necessary, because he only acted according to his nature, which is that of a man too much in love with the pleasures of the senses to have any concern for virtue and justice. He is beyond good and evil, as all true followers of Nietzsche should be. But like Nietzsche he too is not a philosopher, but a rhapsodist. Had he lived longer, he might have written a collection of dithyrambics, worthy to be ranked with Also Sprach Zarathustra. As he died too soon, however, he has only several textbooks and manuals on the history of philosophy to his credit.

[No. 51; Dec. 20, 1934]

李石岑先生^1

已故的李石岑先生是一位著名的哲学教授。然而就我个人而言，我更愿意认为他是诗人而不是哲学家，也就是说，更是个有感情而不是有智力的人。

把诗注入哲学，当然可行，却不是人人力所能及，只有但丁和歌德这样第一流的天才才能做到。因为，在一定意义上，哲学和诗是对立的，或至少和诗的基本精神是对立的。或许，没有人比柏拉图^2更懂得两者之间的区别了。在《理想国》中，他让苏格拉底^3对格劳孔^4这样说：“不错，亲爱的格劳孔，一个人是善是恶关系重大，要比表面上看到的重大。如果一个人受到荣誉、财富或是权力的影响，甚或是在诗的煽动下而忽略了正义和美德，对他能有什么好处？”柏拉图是一个彻头彻尾的理性主义者；在他看来，诗，只能诉诸我们本性中活泼和感情的部分，其指导原则是“快乐与痛苦”，而不是美德和正义。诗人只迷恋于他们的感觉和洞壁上柏拉图在寓言中描述得十分生动的那种拙劣的投影。他们对“事物的真实存在”一无所知，就容易把个人的欢乐和快感错以为是美本身。

但是，应该明白，这种批评所针对的只是伪诗；因为柏拉图在另一个场合说，真诗是对绝对的美的领悟，等同于哲学本身。不幸的是，真诗难作而且罕有，真诗的作者和爱好者都为数极少。而在这少数人中，已故的这位李先生不能不算一个。他过分耽溺于感官享受而不会热爱绝对美，过分热衷于寻求欢乐而难以成为一名爱智者。他是个哲学的研究学者，没错，但是完全出于偶然。哲学只是他有时会穿在身上的诸多华丽外衣中的一件。对哲学的探求给他带来快乐，但是人们怀疑哲学是否带给他过真正的满足或智慧。他那广为人知的卡萨诺瓦^5式的癖好，常常对他构成障碍，使他难以像柏拉图那样认识到，渴望肉体结合只是我们向往不朽的一种表现；而要实现不朽，人们确实就不得不“从一个美好形体转向尽可能多的美好形体，从美好的形体到美的行为，从美的行为到美的理念，直到从美的理念获得对于崇高美的认知”6。

李先生喜爱的哲学家是尼采、居约^7和柏格森^8，因为这三位思想家给了他依据本能所信、所做的正当理由。放荡的行为，就他而言，只是在自觉而始终一贯地实践“生命的冲动”和“权力意志”的学说。占有童贞可使他意识到自己的生命活力，同时也顺便证实了居约所教导的，好人就是无法控制自己、永远泛溢出生命活力的人。不幸的是，目前的社会还无法欣赏“超人”类的怪诞行径，因此李先生便被斥为无赖和流氓。

但是，我在前面已经说过，人们也应该公正地对待李先生。李先生在更大程度上是被冒犯了的而不是冒犯者。他生活中的不正当行为，虽然可耻，然而，从斯宾诺莎^9的“上帝”看来，却并不是不可原谅的。他的所作所为非善非恶，而只是出于需要，因为他完全按照本性行动，这种本性过分贪恋感官享乐而毫不顾及美德和正义。他是超越善恶的，就像所有真正的尼采信徒一样。但是就像尼采一样，他也不是个哲学家，而是一个狂热分子。如果能活得更长久一些，他很可能会写出堪与《查拉图斯特拉如是说》10媲美的充满激情的文章。然而，他英年早逝，只编写了几本哲学史的教科书和手册。

［第51期，1934年12月20日］

MR. S. G. CHENG (程锡庚)

Mr. Cheng is now Special Commissioner for Foreign Affairs in North China. No more suitable person could possibly have been appointed for that difficult post. Mr. Cheng for the last ten years has done many things, but he has never throughout that time forsaken his interest in the study of the foreign relations of China. The Manchurian crisis has elicited a few short, but highly enlightening, articles in the Chinese press on special aspects of that Japanese adventure. What is more, his knowledge of Foreign Affairs is not derived, like 99 per cent of our Foreign Office officials, only from the reading of dailies between the last snores of early morning and breakfast, but is the provident harvest of a mind that not only studiously garners its facts from dull memoranda and worm-eaten tomes, but weighs and considers them for ready use in the "plots and marshalling of affairs." He is what Bacon would call a "full man,"—one who has the humour of a scholar and the aptness of a practical man "in the judgment and disposition of business."

Mr. Cheng was born at Chinkiang (镇江), Kiangsu, in 1894. He is a graduate of Kiangnan Provincial College (江南高等学堂), Nanking, and is a Chu Jen (举人＝M.A.), by Imperial examination. From 1914-1919 he was in the London School of Economics. The number of Chinese students who have studied, or rather registered themselves as students, in the London School of Economics is legion; but few, very few, have come out of that institution with a degree. Mr. Cheng is a brilliant exception. He is a D.Sc. in Economics of London University.

When Mr. Cheng was still studying in England, the Oxford University Press brought out a book of his, entitled Modern China: A Political Study that for the dignity of its tone, the charming cynicism of its general outlook, and the beauty of its simple and forceful English style has not its fellow among English books written by Chinese. One would not read it now for the facts it contains: these have long been dated by events that have happened since its publication. But one can still read it with profit for its wisdom: its reasonableness, not so much of argumentation as of temper, and its fine detachment, which is due more to clear thinking than to any moral sense in him, are qualities that are conspicuous by their almost invariable absence in political treatises, ancient or modern.

For a Chinese, Mr. Cheng is rather tall. He is inclined to be fat. He walks slowly, but jerkily, with his nose up in the air. His face tends to be on the heavy side. The eyes are clever eyes: they have as much sharpness in them as depth. There is a touch of grey in the hair. And in the suave manner and suave voice, there is more than a suspicion of condescension and well-bred contempt towards the rest of Adam's progeny. The upward direction of the indentures where the lips meet is expressive of a habit of caustic speech and derision. Perhaps, the most comprehensive formula to describe the sort of man Mr. Cheng is would be to say that he is a Chinese Prussian gentleman!

[No. 52; Dec. 27, 1934]

程锡庚先生^1

程先生现任外交部驻华北特派员。被委任如此艰巨的任务，他是再合适不过的人选了。近十年来，程先生做过许多事情，但是从不曾放弃对于中国外交关系的研究。东三省危机促使他就日本这次冒险行动的若干方面，在中文报纸上发表了几篇字数不多却极发人深省的文章。更值得一提的是，他的外事知识，并不像我国百分之九十九的外交官员那样仅仅来自于晨鼾乍停、早餐未进时的报纸阅读，而是有心人未雨绸缪的收获。他不仅孜孜不倦地从枯燥乏味的备忘录和虫蠹蛀蚀的鸿篇巨制中收集和积累资料，而且还从策划和处理现实事务的角度加以衡量和考虑，以备不时之需。他是培根^2可以称为“完满”的那种人：在具体事务的判断和处置方面，不乏学者的幽默而又具有实干家的敏捷。

程先生1894年出生于江苏镇江，毕业于南京江南高等学堂，经乡试而成为举人（相当于硕士）。1914至1919年间，就读于伦敦经济学院。当时就读于伦敦经济学院，或者该说是在那里注册入学的中国留学生为数极多，但是只有极少几个取得了学位。程先生是个出色的例外，他是伦敦大学的经济学博士。

程先生尚在英国留学时，牛津大学出版社就出过他的一本书，题为《现代中国政治研究》，语调庄重，总体观点愤世嫉俗，文体简洁有力，在中国人写的英语著作中鲜有其匹。现在，我们不会为了查考某些事实再去翻阅它，此书出版以来又发生过许多事情，事实已经陈旧。但是，我们仍能够从书中的智慧受益：那种植根于性情而不是论辩的合理，来源于思路清晰而不只是道德观念的超脱，都是他的著述明显的特质，这在古往今来的政论中几乎是从来没有的。

作为中国人，程先生的个头略高，身体开始发胖，走起路来速度不快，一颠一颠地，鼻孔朝天。五官不甚精致，眼睛是聪明人的眼睛，深沉而且敏锐。头发有点灰白。在他温文尔雅的举止和温文尔雅的谈吐中，暗含着对于其他亚当子孙^3不只是一星半点的傲慢和文雅得体的轻蔑。那嘴角边向上翘起的皱纹，表明他出言刻薄、喜爱讥嘲的习惯。也许，要描述程先生这种人，可以概括为这样一句话，他是一个中国的普鲁士绅士。4

［第52期，1934年12月27日］

注释

吴宓先生，学者和君子

1　吴宓（1894—1978）中国学者、诗人、教育家。字雨僧，陕西泾阳人。1911年入清华学堂（1912年改名清华学校）中等科，1916年毕业于清华留美预备学校高等科（1928年改名清华大学）。1917年赴美国留学，攻读新闻学；1918年改读西洋文学，毕业于弗吉尼亚大学英文系，获文学学士学位；又入哈佛大学研究生院比较文学系，获硕士学位。对19世纪英国文学尤其是浪漫主义诗人作品的研究有过不少论著。1921年回国，任教于南京高师和国立东南大学文学院，讲授世界文学史等课程。在东南大学与梅光迪、柳诒徵一同主编1922年创刊之《学衡》，于新旧文化取径独异，别成一派。他撰写了“中国的新与旧”、“论新文化运动”等论文，采古典主义，抨击新体自由诗，主张维持中国文化遗产的应有价值，尝以“中国的白璧德”自任。离开东南大学后到东北大学、清华大学外文系任教授。1925年任清华学校研究院主任。1930年游学欧洲，又在牛津大学和巴黎大学修学年余，所学极博。1941年被教育部聘为首批部聘教授之一。1943年至1944年代理西南联大外文系主任，1944年秋到成都燕京大学任教，1945年9月改任四川大学外文系教授，1946年2月任武昌华中大学（现华中师范大学）外文系主任。1947年1月起主编《武汉日报》文学副刊一年。1949年4月飞重庆任相辉文法学院外语教授，兼任梁漱溟主持的北碚勉仁文学院文学教授，入蜀定居。1950年4月两院相继撤销，进入新成立的四川教育学院，9月又随校并入西南师范学院，在历史系（后到中文系）任教。1978年病逝。著有《吴宓诗集》、《文学与人生》、《吴宓自编年谱》等，遗有《吴宓日记》。

2　歌德（Johann Wolfgang von Goethe，1749—1832）德国诗人、剧作家、思想家。深受莱辛、卢梭和斯宾诺莎的影响，和席勒交谊深厚，青年时期为狂飙运动的主要人物。政治上反对封建割据，渴望德意志统一，主张自上而下的社会改革。著有小说《少年维特的烦恼》和不朽的诗剧《浮士德》等。

3　这句话的原文是意大利语，林语堂认为此话出自但丁，待考。

4　《学衡》，综合性刊物。1922年1月在南京创刊，月刊，后改为双月刊。吴宓主编，主要撰稿者有梅光迪、胡先骕等。曾反对新文化运动和白话文运动，介绍西方古典文学，所发表的文章均用文言文。1933年7月停刊，11年间共出版79期。现代文学史上，把这个杂志的主要撰稿者称为“学衡派”。

5　白璧德（Irving Babbitt，1865—1933）美国文学评论家、教师，新人文主义美学创始人之一。是浪漫主义、现实主义和自然主义的坚决反对者。主张文学恢复以“适度性”为核心的人文主义传统，以“人的法则”来反对“物的法则”，其作用是给人以道德的知识 。认为自然主义的倾向（包括浪漫主义、批判现实主义等思潮）只服从“物的法则”，会牺牲美的全部含义，应该加以否定。艾略特和桑塔亚那都曾经是他的追随者，后来却成为他的批判者；而吴宓始终是他忠实的学生。著有《新拉奥孔》、《卢梭与浪漫主义》、《批评家与美国生活》等。

6　道森（Ernest Christopher Dowson，1867—1900）19世纪末英国颓废派的杰出诗人，曾积极参加颓废派作家集团的“吟诗俱乐部”，崇拜爱伦·坡、波德莱尔和斯温伯恩。著有《诗集》、《装饰》等。

7　波德莱尔（Charles Baudelaire，1821—1867）法国现代派诗人。他摈弃了后期浪漫主义的矫揉造作，表现了一个没有宗教信仰的诗人对万事万物真实意义的探索。使他声名狼藉的诗集《恶之华》，也是他的杰作。他的文学和艺术批评文章分别结集为《浪漫主义艺术》和《美学管窥》。晚年贫病交迫，去世后其影响与日俱增。欧美象征主义诗人都自称是他的继承者。

8　瓦莱里（Paul Valéry，1871—1945）法国诗人、评论家、思想家。他最欣赏的诗人是爱伦·坡和马拉美，与马拉美过从甚密。1917年因发表了五年才完稿的长诗《年轻的命运女神》而一举成名。1920年出版《旧诗集存》，1922年出版《幻美集》，脍炙人口的《海滨墓园》就是其中一首。他在这首诗里对存在与幻灭、生与死进行了反思，是他最富有哲理也最抒情的一首诗。

9　维吉尼亚·伍尔夫（Virginia Woolf，1882—1941）英国女作家，婚前姓斯蒂芬。对小说形式的创新有过独特的贡献，是“意识流”手法的创始者，也是当时最优秀的评论家之一。著有小说《远航》、《夜与日》、《雅各的房间》、《黛洛维夫人》、《奥尔兰多》、《海浪》等，长篇论文《一间自己的房间》。在写完《幕与幕之间》后，精神病复发，投河自杀。

10　奥尔德斯·赫胥黎（Aldous Huxley，1894—1963）英国作家，神秘主义者。著有《针锋相对》、《猿与本质》和《感觉之门》等。

11　荷马（Homer，约公元前9世纪—前8世纪）古希腊诗人，专事行吟的盲歌手。相传为著名史诗《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的作者。关于荷马是否确有其人、他的生存年代以及两部史诗的形成，争论很多，构成欧洲文学史上所谓的“荷马问题”。

12　维吉尔（Virgil，公元前70—前19）古罗马最伟大的诗人。他的声誉主要来源于其著作《伊尼特》。这部民族史诗记述了罗马传说中开国者的故事，并且宣称罗马负有在神意指导下教化世界的使命。

13　但丁（Dante Alighieri，1265—1321）意大利诗人，中古到文艺复兴的过渡时期最有代表性的作家。代表作《神曲》广泛反映中世纪后期意大利的社会矛盾，大胆谴责教皇和僧侣的贪婪专横。《帝制论》主张政教分离，反对教皇干预政治。《论俗语》主张意大利应有标准的民族语言，对意大利民族语言的统一有重大贡献。

14　弥尔顿（John Milton，1608—1674）英国诗人、政论家。1640年至1660年间发表政论多篇，捍卫民主，反对专制，其中重要的有《论出版自由》和《为英国人民声辩》。1649年任克伦威尔共和政府的拉丁文秘书，1652年双目失明，仍继续任职。王政复辟后被迫隐居，先后写成三部重要长诗：《失乐园》、《复乐园》和《力士参孙》。《失乐园》用《圣经》故事塑造了叛逆者撒旦的英雄形象。

15　拜伦（George Gordon Byron，1788—1824）英国浪漫主义诗人，出身贵族，学生时代即深受启蒙思想影响。1809年至1811年游历西班牙、希腊、土耳其等国，受各国人民反侵略、反压迫斗争的鼓舞，开始创作长诗《恰尔德·哈罗尔德游记》，表达对封建专制压迫的憎恨、对自由民主的向往。长诗的前两章于1812年出版，拜伦便一举成名。后来又写了一系列叙事长诗《异教徒》、《海盗》、《莱拉》、《该隐》、《曼弗雷德》和《唐璜》等，影响遍及全欧，给整个浪漫主义文学时代打上了他的烙印。

16　《恰尔德·哈罗尔德》，即拜伦的自传体长诗《恰尔德·哈罗尔德游记》。

马君武

1　马君武（1881—1940）广西桂林人，中国教育家、翻译家、学者、社会活动家，广西大学创建人之一。早年就读于桂林体用学堂。1900年入广州法国天主教会所办丕崇书院学法文。1901年入上海震旦学院，同年冬赴日本京都大学读化学。1905年8月第一批加入同盟会，和黄兴、陈天华等人共同起草同盟会章程，并为《民报》撰稿。1906年回国，任上海中国公学教习。1907年赴德国，入柏林工业大学学冶金。首次翻译《共产党宣言》纲领，在《民报》上发表。1911年武昌起义爆发后回国，作为广西代表参与起草《临时政府组织大纲》和《中华民国临时约法》，并任南京临时政府实业部次长。1912年出任国会参议员。1913年二次革命失败，出国，再赴德入柏林大学。1916年获工学博士回国，恢复国会议员职。1917年7月南下广州参加孙中山护法运动，任广州军政府交通部长。1921年任孙中山非常大总统总统府秘书长，并一度任广西省省长。1924年和冯自由、章炳麟等人发表宣言，反对国民党改组和联俄、联共、扶助农工等三大政策。同一年，任上海大夏大学首任校长。1925年出任北洋政府司法总长、教育总长，被国民党第二次全国代表大会开除党籍。1928年参与创办省立广西大学，曾三任广西大学校长。1931年九一八事变后，马君武作诗《哀沈阳》两首，讽喻张学良。1940年8月1日，在桂林病逝。

2　麦加（Mecca）是伊斯兰教的第一圣地。这里是借用其引申义。

3　农学，当为化学；工学，当为冶金学。

4　其实，中山先生的这个头衔Dr.和林文庆的Dr.一样，也是“医生”，因为他不曾获得过博士学位。这里仍按习惯译为博士。

5　弥勒约翰，即约翰·穆勒。

赵元任

1　赵元任（1892—1982）语言学家，翻译家。字宣仲，一作宜重。清代著名文学家、诗论家、史学家赵翼（1727—1814）之六世孙。江苏武进人，生于天津。1910年，以第二名的成绩考取清华学堂“庚子赔款”留美官费生，同年秋与胡适同入康奈尔大学，主修数学。1914年夏，获两学会荣誉奖，同年获理学士学位。毕业后又在康奈尔大学修读哲学，后转哈佛大学，1918年获哲学博士学位，翌年任康奈尔大学物理学讲师。1920年初向康大请假一年，回国任清华学校心理学和物理教授。1921年入哈佛大学习语音学，翌年发表自行创制的罗马字拼音式，同年任哈佛大学哲学系讲师，教授中文。1923年升任该校中文系教授，兼任清华学校研究院国学门导师。1924年赴英，转法、比、德、瑞士等国，再回法国。1925年与刘半农一家结伴回国，任清华国学研究院导师。后加入陈寅恪等人组成的国语统一筹备会，后与刘半农、钱玄同、林语堂等人组成“数人会”，议定“国语罗马字拼音法式”。1926年正式从事语音研究。1927年起，赴苏、浙、粤等地调查方言，灌录唱片二千余张。1928年冬，国语统一筹备会易名教育部国语统一筹备委员会，任部聘委员。同年任中华教育文化基金会董事，兼任北平师范大学音乐系教授。1929年任中央研究院语言历史研究所第二组专任研究员兼主任。1934年迁居南京，历任中央研究院评议员、国语推行委员。抗日战争爆发后，辗转前往檀香山，任夏威夷大学教授。1939年被聘为耶鲁大学客座教授。1940年起，任国语推行委员、哈佛大学教授。抗战胜利后，历任美国语言学会会长、加州大学客座教授、中央研究院第一届院士。1963年应聘为香港大学人文组主席顾问。1981年重访大陆，北京大学授予其名誉博士学位。1982年2月病逝于美国马萨诸塞州坎布里奇。有“汉语言学之父”之称。著有《中国语入门》、《现代吴语的研究》、《语言问题》、《中国话的文法》、《新诗歌集》等，译有《一个女人的自传》、《中国音韵学研究》（合译）、《最后五分钟》、《阿丽思漫游奇境记》等。

2　劳伦斯（D. H. Lawrence，1885—1930）20世纪英国最独特、最有争议的作家和诗人之一。生于英国诺丁汉郡，父亲是矿工，母亲当过教员、写过诗。他中学毕业后当过文书和小学教师。很早就喜欢写作。1912年起和一个老师的德国妻子同居，1914年结婚，过着流浪的生活，到过许多国家，多次企图建立脱离现实的、少数人共同生活的理想公社，都以分歧、争吵告终。一生写过10部长篇小说，最伟大的是《虹》和《恋爱中的女人》，在中国最著名的、颇有争议的却是《查泰莱夫人的情人》。在诗歌创作方面，他是意象派的重要一员。《鸟、兽、花》是对诗歌艺术的独特贡献。他的作品揭示了人性中的本能力量，辛辣地批评了现代工业社会。

3　罗素（Bertrand Russell，1872—1970）英国哲学家、数学家、逻辑学家，20世纪声誉卓著、影响深远的思想家之一。在其漫长的一生中，完成了四十余部著作，涉及哲学、数学、科学、伦理学、社会学、教育、历史、宗教以及政治等各方面。他的首要事业和建树是在数学和逻辑领域，对西方哲学产生了深刻的影响。主要著作有《意义与真理的探究》、《人类的知识：范围和界限》、《数学原理》（与导师怀特海合著）、《物的分析》、《心的分析》、《数学纲要》等。1950年获诺贝尔文学奖。20世纪60年代末出版的三卷本自传，被认为是他的最佳作品。

4　卡罗尔（Lewis Carroll，1832—1898）英国数学家、逻辑学家，原名道奇森（C. L. Dodgson）。他以卡罗尔为笔名所写的两部童话——《阿丽思漫游奇境记》和《镜中世界》——流传极广。两书及其姊妹篇“谐体史诗”《斯纳克之猎》，把所谓“荒诞文学”提到了最高水平。他12岁开始写作，1850年被牛津大学基督学院录取，数学和古典文学成绩超群。1854年期终考试数学第一，后来被任命为数学讲师，直到1881年退休。

5　很像是今日网上文字的先驱：y＝why， u＝youth， π＝pie， 2＝tooth。

这首打油诗可以译作：

我从很久很久以前开始，

却找不到一个押韵的字，

此话之接近真理，就像

y之于youth饼之于牙齿。

不由自主的皇帝

1　Malgre Lui，法语；不由自主的，由不得自己的。

2　溥仪（1906—1967），爱新觉罗氏，字耀之，号浩然，英文名Henry。祖父为道光帝七子、咸丰帝之弟奕譞，外祖父为荣禄，生父载沣为光绪帝之弟，后继承醇亲王爵位。光绪三十四年冬（公元1908年），光绪帝载湉病重，慈禧太后下令将溥仪养育在宫中。不久光绪帝去世，慈禧太后命溥仪继承皇统，在慈禧去世后登位，年仅三岁。1911年，辛亥革命爆发，次年2月，溥仪退位。1917年7月1日，北洋军队将领张勋发动政变，宣布清朝复辟。仅12天，溥仪再次逊位。1924年11月5日，冯玉祥的军队包围紫禁城，取消皇帝尊号并且限两天内迁出。1925年2月24日，在郑孝胥和日本人的策划下，经东交民巷日本使馆，溥仪化装成商人逃往天津，居住于日租界。1931年九一八事变后，11月，土肥原将溥仪秘密带往沈阳。18日，伪满洲国宣告成立，溥仪出任执政。1934年3月1日，登基称帝，年号康德。1945年8月16日，为苏联红军逮捕。1950年8月，由苏联政府移交中国政府，被关押在战犯管理所。1959年12月4日，根据特赦令被释放。1960年3月，被分配到北京植物园工作。1964年，调到全国政协文史资料研究委员会任资料专员，并担任第四届全国政协委员。后罹患肾癌，因多重器官衰竭医治无效去世。

3　据记载，坐在溥仪身旁的是父亲载沣，哄着哭闹的小皇帝，说：快了，一会就完。

4　原文to have a grand tussle with some of his subjects that kept on kowtowing to him，其中的tussle，只能作“扭打，争斗；争辩，争执”理解，而用在一个四岁娃娃身上实在不可思议。

5　实为12天。

吴经熊

1　吴经熊（1899—1986）诗人、律师、作家、翻译家。字德生，浙江鄞县人。1920年毕业于上海东吴大学法学院，获法学学士学位。1921年毕业于美国密歇根大学，获法学博士学位。1921年任法国巴黎大学法律哲学与国际公法研究员，1922年任柏林大学哲学与法理学研究员，1923年任哈佛大学比较法律哲学研究员，1924年后任东吴大学法学院教授。1935年创办《天下月刊》（T'ien Hsia Monthly）。1939年当选为美国学术院名誉院士。1949年起先后在夏威夷大学、新泽西州西东大学任法学、亚洲学术教授，1966年定居台湾，任中国文化学院教授，1974年任该校哲学研究所博士班主任。以中文、英文、法文、德文写作，所论多为基督教、中国文学、法律等方面问题。中文著述有《法律哲学研究》、《哲学与文化》、《中国哲学之悦乐精神》等，英文著述有Juristic Essays and Studies（《法学论丛》）、The Art of Law（《法的艺术》）、From Confucianism to Catholicism（《从儒术到天主教》）、Beyond East and West（《超越东西方》）、Fountain of Justice: A Study in Natural Law（《正义之源泉》）、Justice Holmes: A New Estimate（《霍姆斯法官新评价》）等多种。在英汉互译两方面均有很深造诣，汉译英以《英译〈老子道德经〉》和《唐诗四季》为代表作，英译汉曾以《圣咏译义初稿》震动中国译界。

2　惠特曼（Walt Whitman，1819—1892）美国最伟大的诗人之一，是使美国诗歌有别于传统英诗的创始先驱。其诗作描写了美国劳动阶层的生活，表达了强烈的民主主义精神，对中国新诗的形成与发展产生过重大影响。著有收入其一生所作全部诗篇的《草叶集》。

3　王尔德（Oscar Wilde，1854—1900）爱尔兰作家、诗人、剧作家。19世纪末英国唯美主义运动的代表人物，倡导“为艺术而艺术”。著有喜剧《认真的重要》、《少奶奶的扇子》和长篇小说《道林·格雷的肖像》。

4　白哲特（Walter Bagehot，1826—1877），英国经济学家、政论家、《经济学家》主编，所著《英国宪法》（1867）是广为传诵的名著。

5　指东吴大学，是由美国基督教差会监理会1900年创建的教会大学。1915年于上海创设的东吴大学法学院闻名全国，法学界曾有“南东吴，北朝阳”之说。

6　霍姆斯（Oliver Wendell Holmes，1841—1935）美国著名法律史学家和法律哲学家。曾任美国联邦最高法院大法官达30年之久，认为“法律的生命并非逻辑而是经验”，以主张司法克制而闻名。

7　格莱斯顿（William Ewart Gladstone，1809—1898）19世纪英国最伟大的政治家，英国自由党领袖，曾四次出任首相。著有《国家及其与教会的关系》、《荷马和荷马时代研究》。

高君珊女士

1　高君珊（生卒年不详）教育学家，福建长乐人。曾留学美国哥伦比亚大学。1930年当选为中国科学社唯一一位女性理事，并捐款在科学社内设立了影响很大的“高女士纪念奖金”。曾担任中国科学社北美分会的联络人，著有《学校之视察与指导》等。

2　安阿伯，美国密歇根州东南部城市。

3　1933年 2月21日上午，上海塘山路1250号正泰橡胶物品第一制造厂蒸缸爆炸，涂光油起火，焚毙、压死81人，伤120余人，损失10余万元，“可谓上海空前之惨剧”。

胡适博士，一位哲人

1　胡适（1891—1962）现代著名学者、诗人、历史学家、文学家、哲学家。安徽绩溪县上庄村人。原名嗣穈，学名洪骍，字希疆；后改名胡适，字适之，笔名天风、藏晖等。5岁启蒙，受过9年私塾教育。1904年，到上海进新式学校，接受《天演论》等新思潮，并开始在《竞业旬报》上发表白话文章，后任该报编辑。1906年考入中国公学，1910年考取“庚子赔款”第二期官费生赴美国留学，于康奈尔大学先读农科，后改读文科。1915年入哥伦比亚大学研究院，师从唯心主义哲学家杜威，接受了杜威的实用主义哲学思想。回国后，任北京大学教授，加入《新青年》编辑部，撰文反对封建主义，宣传个性自由、民主和科学，积极提倡“文学改良”和白话文学，成为新文化运动的重要人物。1920年至1933年，主要从事中国古典小说的研究考证，同时也参与一些政治活动，并一度担任上海公学校长。抗日战争初期，出任“国防参议会”参议员，1938年被任命为中国驻美国大使。1942年任行政院最高政治顾问，1946年任北京大学校长。1949年寄居美国，致力于《水经注》的考证等工作，后去台湾。1957年出任“中央研究院”院长。1962年，在酒会上突发心脏病去世。著有《中国哲学史大纲》（上卷）、《白话文学史》（上卷）和《胡适文存》等。

2　奥古斯都（Augustus，公元前63—公元14）古罗马第一位皇帝（公元前27—公元14），凯萨的甥孙及养子。原名盖约·屋大维（Gaius Octavius），“奥古斯都”是元老院对他所奉的尊号。这里所谓“奥古斯都式额头”，用中国传统的语言可表述为“天庭饱满”。

3　契诃夫（Anton Pavlovich Chekhov，1860—1904）俄国剧作家、短篇小说家。早年在莫斯科学医，并在那里开始写作。他的短篇小说无论数量还是质量，在俄国都是首屈一指的。他风格独具的剧本如《海鸥》、《万尼亚舅舅》、《三姊妹》和《樱桃园》，已经是世界戏剧作品宝贵的遗产。

4　海克尔（Ernst Heinrich Haeckel，1834—1919）德国博物学家，达尔文主义支持者。提出生物发生律，为生物进化论提供了有力的证据。著有《人类发展史》、《生命的奇迹》等。

5　此处的赫胥黎疑为英国著名生物学家、达尔文进化论最杰出的代表T. H. Huxley（1825—1895），他认为人类和大猩猩的脑部解剖具有十分的相似性，也认为生命来自于无生命物质，与文中所说的“人就立刻变成了非常简单的动物而不难理解”比较符合。

6　约翰·斯图尔特·穆勒（John Stuart Mill，1806—1873）英国哲学家、历史学家、经济学家、逻辑学家、实证论者和功利主义者。著有《逻辑体系》（严复译本为《穆勒名学》）、《政治经济学原理》、《论自由》（严复译本为《群己权界论》）、《功利主义》等。

7　philosophe（哲人），请注意此词与 philosopher（哲学家）的不同，其原本是指18世纪以狄德罗、卢梭和伏尔泰为代表的那些启蒙思想家和哲学家，了解了他们便了解了这个词的含义。

8　伏尔泰（Voltaire，1694—1778）法国启蒙思想家、作家、哲学家。原名弗朗索瓦–马利·阿鲁埃（François-Marie Arouet）。主张开明君主制，信奉洛克的经验论，两次被捕入狱，后来被逐出国。著有《哲学书简》、哲理小说《老实人》、悲剧《扎伊尔》和其他历史著作等。

9　达兰贝尔（Jean le Rond D'Alembert，1717—1783）法国数学家、物理学家、启蒙思想家、哲学家。他所提出的力学原理后被称为“达兰贝尔原理”。曾任《百科全书》副主编，著有《哲学原理》、《力学原理》等。

10　霍尔巴赫（Paul Henri Dietrich d'Holbach，1723—1789）法国启蒙思想家、哲学家、无神论者、唯物主义的著名阐述者，狄德罗《百科全书》主要撰稿人之一。著有《被揭穿了的基督教》、《社会体系》和最受欢迎的《自然体系》。

11　爱尔维修（Claude Adrien Helvétius，1715—1771）法国哲学家、辩论家，启蒙时期法国思想家小组的资助者。他从享乐主义的观点强调肉体的感受，对伦理学宗教基础的攻击及其放肆的教育理论使他闻名于世。著有哲学名作《论精神》，在《论人的理智能力和教育》一书中宣称教育有解决人类问题的无限潜力。

12　狄德罗（Denis Diderot，1713—1784）法国文学家、哲学家。由于主编《百科全书》并在哲学、伦理学、戏剧、美学理论、文艺批评、小说、科学思辨及政治学诸领域作出杰出贡献而成为启蒙时期的文化巨人。著有哲学著作《对自然的解释》、《达兰贝尔和狄德罗的谈话》，小说《修女》、《宿命论者雅克和他的主人》、《拉摩的侄子》，剧本《私生子》、《一家之主》和文艺理论《论戏剧诗》、《演员的是非谈》、《画论》等。

13　杰里米·边沁（Jeremy Bentham，1748—1832）英国功利主义哲学家、经济学家、法学家。著有《谬误集》、《审判证据原理》、《新逻辑体系》和《义务学》等。

冯玉祥

1　冯玉祥（1882—1948）中国国民党爱国将领，著名民主人士。字焕章，安徽巢县人。行伍出身，曾任北洋陆军第十六混成旅旅长、第十一师师长，陕西、河南督军及陆军检阅使等职。1924年在第二次直奉战争中发动北京政变，改所部为国民军，任总司令兼第一军军长。1926年9月，当国民革命军攻抵武汉时，在五原誓师，宣布所部集体加入中国国民党。1927年5月在西安就任国民革命军第二集团军总司令，曾参与蒋介石和汪精卫的反共活动。1928年起，因利害冲突举兵反蒋，先后爆发蒋冯战争和中原大战。九一八事变后积极主张抗日。1933年5月与中国共产党合作，在张家口组织察哈尔民众抗日同盟军，任总司令。1936年到南京任国民政府军事委员会副委员长。抗日战争爆发后，任第六战区司令长官，旋被蒋撤职。抗日战争胜利后，继续采取与中国共产党合作的立场，与李济深等发起成立中国国民党革命委员会。1946年出国考察水利，1948年回国准备参加新政治协商会议筹备工作，在黑海因轮船失火遇难。

2　张作霖（1875—1928）北洋奉系军阀首领。字雨亭，奉天海城人，土匪出身。1916年起任奉天督军、东三省巡阅使等职，在日本帝国主义支持下长期盘踞东北。1924年打败直系军阀后，控制北洋军阀政府。1926年称安国军总司令，次年4月杀害共产党人李大钊等，6月自称“中华民国陆海军大元帅”。1928年6月同蒋介石作战失败，退回东北。由于未能满足日本人的全部要求，所乘火车经过沈阳西郊皇姑屯时被日军预埋炸弹炸死。

3　王正廷（1882—1961）字儒堂，浙江奉化人。天津北洋大学预科毕业，曾任湖南高等学校教员。1905年留学日本，在日本加入同盟会。1908年又留学美国耶鲁大学，获文学硕士学位。回国后在基督教青年会工作。武昌起义时任湖北都督府外交副主任；民国成立后，任唐绍仪内阁工商次长兼代总长、参议院副议长；后专任上海青年会全国协会总干事。1916年袁世凯死后，复任参议院副议长。第二次国会解散后，率议员赴广州，参加护法运动。1918年代表护法政府赴美，接洽参加欧战事宜。次年任巴黎和会全权代表。1922年任“鲁案”善后督办，10月任外交总长兼代国务总理。1924年任北洋政府外交总长、财政总长及关税会议委员长。1928年后曾任国民政府外交部长、驻美大使。

4　徐谦（1871—1940）字季龙，安徽歙县人。清末进士，曾任翰林院编修。辛亥革命后发起组织国民共进会，后与同盟会联合组成中国国民党。曾任段祺瑞内阁司法次长、孙中山大元帅府秘书长、国民党中央执行委员会常委。1933年福建事变中任“中华共和国人民革命政府”最高法院院长，1937年抗日战争爆发后任国民政府国防委员会委员。

5　吴佩孚（1874—1939）北洋直系军阀首领。字子玉，山东蓬莱人。清末秀才。1906年为北洋陆军曹锟部管带，1917年升至陆军第三师师长。1922年直奉战争后，先后任两湖巡阅使、直鲁豫巡阅使。1923年残酷镇压京汉铁路工人大罢工，是二七惨案的罪魁。1924年第二次直奉战争中失败，1926年又和张作霖联合进攻冯玉祥部国民军。同年，被北伐军打败，逃至四川依附地方军阀。九一八事变后，蛰居北平。抗日战争爆发后，曾拒绝出任伪职。1939年病逝。

6　段祺瑞（1865—1936）北洋皖系军阀首领。字芝泉，安徽合肥人。1889年天津武备学堂毕业后，留学德国学习军事。1896年协助袁世凯创办北洋军，曾任江北提督等职。1912年至1916年历任北洋政府陆军总长、参谋总长、国务总理。袁世凯死后，在日本帝国主义支持下，以国务总理把持北洋军阀政府。1920年被直系军阀曹锟、吴佩孚打败下台。1924年直系政权垮台，被奉系和冯玉祥推为北京临时政府执政。1925年召开善后会议，抵制国民会议。1926年屠杀北京爱国群众，造成三一八惨案，同年4月又被冯玉祥驱逐下台。1933年被蒋介石迎居上海，1936年病逝。

7　曹锟（1862—1938）北洋直系军阀首领。字仲珊，直隶天津人。天津武备学堂毕业。后投靠袁世凯，曾任北洋军第三师师长、直隶督军兼省长、川粤湘赣四省经略使。1919年被推为直系军阀首领，任直鲁豫三省巡阅使。在1922年第一次直奉战争中打败张作霖，控制北方政局。次年逼总统黎元洪下台，又以五千银元一票收买国会议员，被选为“大总统”，世称“贿选总统”。1924年第二次直奉战争中，被所部第三军总司令冯玉祥囚禁。1926年获释，初居开封，后寓居天津。

8　阎锡山（1883—1960）字百川，山西五台人。日本陆军士官学校毕业。1911年辛亥革命后任山西都督，长期盘踞山西。1927年9月起投靠蒋介石。1930年，与冯玉祥等出兵反蒋，失败后逃至大连。1931年又被蒋任命为太原绥靖公署主任。抗日战争期间，消极抗日，积极反共。抗战胜利后，积极参加反人民内战。1949年3月逃离太原。1960年病逝于台湾。

9　指1933年国民革命军第十九路军在福建发动的抗日反蒋事变。1932年5月，在上海抗击日军的十九路军被蒋介石调往福建从事反共内战。1933年11月20日，该部将领蔡廷锴、陈铭枢、蒋光鼐等联合国民党内李济深等反蒋派，在福州成立抗日反蒋的“中华共和国人民革命政府”。1934年1月，在蒋介石的进攻下失败。

徐志摩，一个孩子

1　徐志摩（1896—1931）诗人。名章垿，初字槱森，后改字志摩。浙江海宁人。留学欧美，先后在美国哥伦比亚大学、英国剑桥大学攻读政治、经济，获硕士学位。1921年开始写诗。1922年回国后，历任北京大学、清华大学、大夏大学、中央大学等校教授，并参与主编《诗刊》、《新月》等文学期刊。1931年因飞机失事去世。“新月派”代表诗人，对中国新诗的发展有重大影响。著有诗集《志摩的诗》、《翡冷翠的一夜》、《猛虎集》、《云游》，散文集《落叶》、《巴黎的鳞爪》、《秋》，小说集《轮盘》等。

2　雪莱（Percy Bysshe Shelley，1792—1822）英国伟大的浪漫主义诗人，世界文学史上第一位通过诗歌鼓吹社会主义理想的社会主义诗人，也是最优秀的抒情诗人之一。《心之灵》是他所写的著名长诗之一，文中说它“是一曲理想的情人之歌”，那“理想的情人”便是雪莱自己。此外的杰作还有哀悼济慈的《阿多尼》、抗议暴政的《暴政的假面游行》和鼓吹大同思想的《普罗米修斯的解放》等。

3　英国著名的维多利亚女王（Queen Victoria，1819—1901）在位的时代（1837—1901），一些英国史家称“维多利亚时代”为英国历史上的“黄金时代”。产生于这一时期的英语作品称“维多利亚时代文学”，主要代表作家有诗人勃朗宁、丁尼生，评论家阿诺德，小说家狄更斯、勃朗特、艾略特、哈代等。

4　马修·阿诺德（Matthew Arnold，1822—1888）英国维多利亚时代优秀诗人、评论家。主要贡献在于指出当时浪漫主义诗歌中的弊病，并为褊狭的英国文化引入了欧洲大陆的影响。他认为诗要反映时代的要求，须有观察广阔和复杂的生活景象、追求道德和智力的“解放”的精神。

5　爱丽儿，莎士比亚戏剧《暴风雨》中善良活泼的小精灵。法国传记作家莫洛亚记述雪莱生平的一部评传，便以《爱丽儿》为书名。

6　爱因斯坦（Albert einstein，1879—1955）提出的关于物质运动与时间、空间关系的理论，修正了牛顿以来对时间、空间、引力三者互相割裂以及运动规律永恒不变的看法。

7　钱德拉·博斯（Jagadis Chandra Bose，1858—1937）印度植物生理学家、物理学家，发明测定活动机体对外界刺激反应的仪器，研究无线电波的准光学性质，改进金屑检波器。著有《活体及非活体的反应》等。

8　19世纪末至20世纪20年代爱尔兰文学人才辈出的现象，与政治上强烈的民族主义和对爱尔兰盖尔语文学遗产重新燃起的兴趣密切相关。这一运动的中心人物是著名的爱尔兰诗人、剧作家叶芝（William Butler Yeats，1865—1939）。

9　泰戈尔（Rabindranath Tagore，1861—1941）印度孟加拉语诗人，著有《心中的向往》、《金帆船》、《缤纷集》、《收获集》、《梦幻集》、《刹那集》和《奉献集》，抒情诗集《吉檀迦利》的英译本为他赢得了1913年的诺贝尔文学奖。1915年受封为爵士，1919年放弃了这一称号，以抗议阿姆利则惨案。他的长篇小说中最著名的是《戈拉》。他还是印度一流的画家。1924年访问中国时，徐志摩曾为他担任翻译。

10　梁启超（1873—1929）中国近代维新派领袖、学者。字卓如，号任公，又号饮冰室主人，广东新会人。曾和其师康有为一起倡导变法维新，是为“康梁变法”。戊戌政变失败后逃亡日本。辛亥革命后，以立宪党为基础建立进步党，拥护袁世凯，出任袁政府司法总长。1916年又策动蔡锷组织护国军反袁，后又组织研究系，与段祺瑞合作，出任财政总长。五四时期，反对“打倒孔家店”，曾提倡文体改良的“诗界革命”和“小说界革命”。晚年在清华讲学，其著作合编为《饮冰室合集》。

11　塞尚（Paul Cézanne，1839—1906）法国画家，后期印象派代表。认为绘画的目的是对形、色、节奏、空间的探索，企图借助色彩的配合而不依赖明暗效果表现体积等。毕生追求表现形式，对运用色彩、造型有新的创造。代表作有《玩纸牌者》、《圣维克图瓦山》等，有“现代绘画之父”之称。

12　毕加索（Pablo Picasso，1881—1973）20世纪最有创造性、影响最为深远的西班牙画家、雕塑家，立体主义画派主要代表。一生画法和风格迭变，其作品对西方现代艺术有深远影响。代表作有油画《格尔尼卡》、宣传画《和平鸽》等。晚期制作了大量铜版画、雕塑和陶器等，亦有杰出成就。

13　梅兰芳（1894—1961），京剧演员。名澜，字畹华，原籍江苏泰州，生于北京。出身京剧世家，工青衣，兼演刀马旦。对京剧旦角的唱腔、念白、舞蹈、音乐、服装、化妆等各方面都有所创造发展，形成了自己的艺术风格，世称“梅派”。曾先后赴日、美、苏等国进行文化交流。抗日战争期间留居香港、上海，在敌伪统治下蓄须明志，拒绝演出，表现了民族气节。新中国成立后，历任中国京剧院院长、中国戏曲研究院院长、中国文联副主席、中国剧协副主席等。

14　克莱斯勒（Fritz Kreisler，1875—1962）奥地利小提琴家、作曲家。曾在世界各地旅行演出，纳粹执政后入法国籍，1943年入美国籍。毕生致力于演奏和创作。代表作有小提琴曲《维也纳随想曲》、《中国花鼓》等。

薛氏兄弟

1　阿尔丰索（Alphonso SyCip，1883—1969）薛家在菲律宾已经发展成为很有影响的一个大家族，他们的企事业活动遍及全球。在温源宁撰写这篇短文以后，阿尔丰索还有更值得称道的表现：抗日战争爆发后，阿尔丰索积极支持中国政府抗日。偷袭珍珠港后，日军于1942年1月占领马尼拉，阿尔丰索和弟弟阿尔宾诺及女婿等家人都和当地的华人显要一道被拘。他被认定有罪而被宣判死刑，他当即激动地抗辩：“我只是帮助了亟需帮助的同胞，如果情况相反，你们日本人也会这样做！”被假释后，他携带家人逃到了北部，躲避在一个小岛上。二战结束后，他回到马尼拉，先后创立了参与战后重建事业的国际建设公司和1948年与菲航合并的商务航空公司，并连续多年当选为中华商会主席。1969年逝世于马尼拉。

阿尔宾诺（Albino SyCip，1887—?）1913年，成为菲律宾第一位华人律师，创办了菲律宾的China Bank，并有“银行业泰斗”之称，也当选过中华商会主席。他的子女也都各有出色成就：马尼拉陷落时，三子华盛顿正在美国读会计学博士学位，听说父亲被日本人所杀便报名参加美军；后来从事密码破译工作，所获情报之一，曾对确认日本海军大将山本五十六的座机和航行计划从而导致其机毁人亡的成功战斗行动作出了重要贡献。

薛清习有一个女儿嫁给了林语堂的一个兄弟，温源宁很可能是通过林语堂而认识了薛氏兄弟。

2　SyCip家人在用汉字书写姓名时，在菲律宾也仍然是以单独一个“薛”字为姓。例如，马尼拉有个律师Alex SyCip，显然也是SyCip家成员，这位律师见诸媒体的汉语姓名为薛育立。但是出现在英语文件中时，SyCip的发音仍然读作/ˈsi:ˈsIp/。

3　马尼拉，菲律宾首都，全国最大港市和政治、经济、文化中心。在吕宋岛西岸，临马尼拉湾。1571年，西班牙人到此建立城堡，成立了殖民地政权。1762年至1764年被英国占领，1832年对外贸易开放。1898年美西战争后被美军占领，成为美在菲的行政中心。1942年被日本占领，1945年被美军收回。1946年起成为正式独立的菲律宾的首都。

4　薛清习的妻子，名叫“玉兰”。

5　宿务岛在菲律宾米沙鄢群岛中部。宿务则是宿务岛东岸的一个港口城市，为菲律宾最大城市之一，也是个繁荣的港口，国内货运量居第一位，国际贸易仅次于马尼拉。

6　本文写于1934年。九一八事变后，日本帝国主义对中国的侵略得寸进尺，步步紧逼。

周作人：铁的优雅

1　周作人（1885—1967）现代散文家、诗人、文学翻译家。原名櫆寿，字星杓；后改名奎绶，自号起孟、启明（又作岂明）、知堂等，笔名仲密、药堂；晚年改名遐寿。浙江绍兴人，鲁迅的二弟。1901年入南京江南水师学堂，1906年东渡日本留学，1911年回国后在绍兴任中学英文教员，1918年任北京大学文科教授。五四时期任新潮社主任编辑，参加《新青年》的编辑工作，参与发起成立文学研究会，发表了《人的文学》、《平民文学》、《思想革命》等重要理论文章，从事散文、新诗创作并译介外国文学作品。他的理论主张和创作实践在社会上产生过很大影响，成为新文化运动的重要代表人物之一。“五四”后，作为《语丝》周刊的主编和主要撰稿人之一，写了大量散文，风格平和，清隽幽雅。在他的影响下，20世纪20年代形成了包括俞平伯、废名等作家在内的散文创作流派。第一次国内革命战争失败后，思想渐离时代主流，主张“闭户读书”。30年代提倡闲适幽默的小品文，沉溺于“草木虫鱼”的狭小天地。1937年卢沟桥事变发生后，北平沦陷，便觍颜事敌。1945年以叛国罪被判刑入狱，1949年出狱，后定居北京，在人民文学出版社从事日本、希腊文学作品的翻译和写作有关回忆鲁迅的著述。著有散文集《自己的园地》、《雨天的书》、《泽泻集》、《谈龙集》、《谈虎集》、《永日集》、《看云集》、《夜读抄》、《苦茶随笔》、《风雨谈》、《瓜豆集》、《秉烛谈》、《苦口甘口》、《过去的工作》、《知堂文集》，诗集《过去的生命》，小说集《孤儿记》，论文集《艺术与生活》、《中国新文学的源流》，论著《欧洲文学史》，文学史料集《鲁迅的故家》、《鲁迅小说里的人物》、《鲁迅的青年时代》，回忆录《知堂回想录》等，另有译作多种。

2　麦考利（Thomas Babington Macaulay，1800—1859）英国政治家、演说家、历史学家。其父曾任塞拉利昂总督。1830年代表威尔特郡进入国会。1832年国会讨论“改革法案”时，雄辩地支持国会改革，被认为是演说家时代的主要人物。在国会里支持废除奴隶制、出版自由、印度人在法律面前平等等。1847年落选后埋头《英国史》的写作，这部书使他成为辉格党历史学派的创始人之一，并获得了不朽的声誉。

3　伊利亚（Elia），查尔斯·兰姆（Charles Lamb，1775—1834）的笔名，英国著名散文作家和评论家。其父为伦敦法学院执事索尔特的机要文书，兰姆早年曾废寝忘食阅读索尔特的藏书。7岁入小学，与柯勒律治结下了终身友谊。15岁离开学校， 1792年在东印度公司任职员，1825年退休。1807年与胞姐玛丽合编的《莎士比亚故事集》出版。1820年新创刊的《伦敦杂志》开始刊登“伊利亚”的散文，兰姆本人也在文学方面达到了最高成就。这些散文几乎都是自传体。《伊利亚随笔集》于1823年出版，续集《伊利亚后期随笔集》于1833年出版。1796年姐姐玛丽精神病发作杀死母亲，从此由他照顾姐姐，两人感情很好。

4　引自弥尔顿的《失乐园》。

5　经利彬（1895—1958）医学家。字燧初，上虞驿亭人。早年留学法国里昂大学，获理学及医学博士学位，任助教。归国后任北平大学农学院教授兼生物系主任，为我国生命科学研究的先驱。后改任北平女子学院、中山大学教授。1934年任北平研究生院生物部部长兼研究生所主任。1937年北平沦陷，只身随研究生院前往昆明，继任该院动物研究所所长兼中国医药研究所所长及云南大学生物系教授。1946年去台湾任台湾省卫生局局长，因不善官场应酬卸任。1958年在台湾逝世。一生著述甚丰，较有影响的有《脊椎动物之脑量》、《金鱼鳍及鳞之复生》、《槐实之生理作用》等，与人合著《滇南本草纲目》、《卫生学》等。

林可胜博士，一位科学家

1　林可胜（1897—l969）中国生理学家，新加坡名医林文庆之子，有“中国生命科学之父”之称。8岁即被送往英国读书。入爱丁堡大学医学院后，一战爆发，曾服兵役，在军医院任外科医助。战后复学，1919年毕业，获内科医学士和外科医学士学位。1920年获哲学博士学位，留校任讲师。1923年，作为美国罗氏基金会研究员赴芝加哥大学从事研究。1924年，获科学博士学位。同年回国，任北京协和医学院生理学教授兼系主任，成为该学院第一位华人教授，执教直至1937年，学术成就蜚声国内外。1928年至1930年任中华医学会会长，并建立中国生理学会，创办《中国生理学杂志》。1933年抵抗日军入侵的喜峰口战役就曾率领救护队亲赴战地。七七事变后，把家眷安顿在新加坡，只身重返武汉，组织并主持中国红十字会救护总队。后在贵阳图云关设救护总站，派出一百多个救护队分赴各战区，对救治战伤作出了重大贡献。1940年陈嘉庚回国视察，对他尽心尽职的精神十分敬佩，主动允诺为他的救护总队每月捐助一万元。l942年至l944年，随远征军赴缅，任史迪威的军医总监，多次受到嘉奖。抗战胜利后，1947年，将各军事医学院校及战时卫生人员训练所改组为国防医学院，任院长，同时筹建中央研究院医学研究所。1948年，蒋介石拟任其为卫生署署长，坚辞不就。1949年5月赴美，任教并指导医学科学研究，为美国科学院院士。1969年因食道癌逝世于牙买加金斯顿。

2　维尔沃姆（Verworm）待考，可能拼写错误。世界上最著名的细胞学家是菲尔绍（Rudolf Virchow，1821—1902），德国病理学家、人类学家、政治家，细胞病理学院创始人。

3　巴甫洛夫（Ivan Petrovich Pavlov，1849—1936）苏联生理学家，创立高级神经活动学说，提出条件反射的概念，因对消化生理的研究获1904年诺贝尔医学奖。

4　谢灵顿（Sir Charles Scott Sherrington，1857—1952）英国生理学家。在中枢神经系统生理学方面有重要贡献，1932年与阿德里安一同获得诺贝尔生理学或医学奖。所著《神经系统的整合作用》是一部生理学的经典著作。

5　李济（1896—1979）人类学家，中国考古学之父。字济之，湖北钟祥人。1918年清华学校毕业后赴美留学，1923年获哈佛大学哲学博士。1926年主持山西西阴村新石器时代仰韶文化遗址的发掘，成为第一位挖掘考古遗址的中国学者，揭开了中国现代考古发掘的序幕。1928年至1937年，主持震惊世界的河南安阳殷墟发掘，使殷商文化由传说变为信史，并由此将中国的历史向前推移了数百年。1929年中央研究院历史语言研究所考古组成立后，长期任该组主任。历史语言研究所迁往台湾后，曾任该所所长。

梁遇春，中国的伊利亚

1　梁遇春（1906—1932）散文作家，翻译家。福建闽侯人。笔名秋心。1922年考入北京大学预科，1928年毕业于英文系后留校任助教。后随温源宁教授赴上海暨南大学任教师。1930年，温重返北大，梁亦跟随回校，任英文系图书馆管理员兼助教。在《骆驼草》周刊上发表的散文清新隽永、耐人吟味，后来均收入《春醪集》。译有外国文学作品二十余种，主要有《英国小品文选》、《英国诗歌选》（英汉对照）、《荡妇自传》、《老太婆的故事》、《红花》、《吉姆爷》等。

2　西拉诺·德·贝尔热拉克（Savinien Cyrano de Bergerac，1619—1655）法国作家，以戏剧创作闻名。代表作有悲剧《阿格里皮娜之死》和喜剧《受人愚弄的学究》。逝世后发表的《月球上的国家和帝国的趣史》和《太阳上的国家和帝国的趣史》，英语合译成一本《日月旅行》，是科幻小说的先驱。

3　克伦威尔（Oliver Cromwell，1599—1658）英国17世纪资产阶级革命领袖。1649年处死国王查理一世，成立共和国。1653年建立军事独裁统治，自任“护国主”。为争夺殖民地，曾对荷兰、西班牙和葡萄牙作战，得胜后确立了英国的海上霸权。

4　贝克莱（George Berkeley，1685—1753）英国唯心主义哲学家，曾任爱尔兰南部克洛因地区基督教新教主教。他反对霍布斯、斯宾诺莎和瓦尼尼等人的无神论和唯物主义，提出“存在即被感知”的主张，宣称外界事物只是“感觉的组合”。著有《视觉新论》、《人类知识原理》等。

5　笛福（Daniel Defoe，1660—1731）英国小说家、报刊撰稿人。早年以写政论和讽刺诗著称，反对封建专制。晚年开始发表冒险小说，《鲁滨逊漂流记》是其代表作。

6　雷顿·斯特雷奇（Lytton Strachey，1880—1932）英国文学评论家、传记作家。《维多利亚女王传》、《维多利亚女王时代四名人传》是他的杰作。

7　黑兹利特（William Hazlitt，1778—1830）英国散文作家、评论家和传记作家。著有《有关英国诗人的演讲》、《论英国喜剧作家》、《席间闲谈》、《拿破仑生平》和《詹姆斯·诺思科特谈话录》等。

8　蒙田（Michel de Montaigne，1533—1592）法国思想家、散文作家。出身新贵族，当过15年文官，后来辞官回乡，闭户读书，有时也出游。他把读书心得、旅途见闻、日常感想记录下来，日积月累，形成《随笔集》三卷。文体和风格对法国文学甚至对英国文学都有极大影响。

9　罗伯特·伯顿（Robert Burton，1577—1640）英国圣公会牧师、学者、作家。著有《忧郁的剖析》，以内容广博而闻名于世。

10　布朗（Sir Thomas Browne，1605—1682）英国医生、作家。以日记体的沉思录《一个医生的宗教信仰》为世人所知。

陈嘉庚，有理想的商人

1　陈嘉庚（1874—1961）爱国华侨领袖。福建同安（今厦门）人。长期侨居新加坡，经营橡胶业，热心兴办文化教育公益事业。1910年在新加坡参加同盟会。1911年任福建保安会会长，曾募款资助孙中山从事革命活动。1913年至1920年，先后在集美创办中小学和师范、水产、航海、农林、商科等学校。1919年在新加坡创办南阳华侨中学。1921年在厦门创办厦门大学。1938年在新加坡创立“南侨总会”，领导南洋华侨支持祖国的抗日战争。1940年组织南洋华侨回国慰劳视察团，回国慰劳抗战军民。太平洋战争爆发后避居印尼。日本投降后，创办《南侨日报》，从事爱国民主运动。1949年出席中国人民政治协商会议第一届全体会议。历任中央人民政府委员、全国政协副主席、全国人大常委会委员、国家侨委委员、中国侨联主席等职。

2　《东方杂志》，近代中国历史最久的大型综合性杂志。1904年在上海创刊，徐珂、杜亚泉、陶惺存、钱智修、胡愈之、李圣五等先后任主编，由商务印书馆出版。初为月刊，第17卷起改为半月刊，第44卷又改为月刊。抗日战争时期先后迁至长沙、香港、重庆出版。1948年12月停刊，共出44卷。《畏惧失败才是可耻》一文载于《东方杂志》1934年4月号。

3　济南惨案，亦称“五三惨案”，即1928年日本帝国主义在济南制造的惨案。2月，宁汉合流后的国民政府决定继续“北伐”，攻打奉系军阀。4月，日本出兵山东，侵占济南。5月1日北伐军进入济南，3日起日军开始向北伐军大举进攻，以重炮轰击济南城。蒋介石下令北伐军撤出济南。日军在济南奸淫掳掠，屠杀中国军民数千人，并公然违反国际惯例，将南京政府山东特派交涉员蔡公时等17名外交人员捆绑、毒打后杀害。惨案激起了中国人民新的反日浪潮，迫使日军于次年撤出济南。

周诒春博士

1　周诒春（1883—1958）教育家。字寄梅，安徽休宁人。1904年上海圣约翰大学毕业后赴美留学，先入耶鲁大学，继入威斯康辛大学。1909年回国，1912年任南京临时政府外交秘书。1912年10月，北京清华学堂改名清华学校，监督改称校长，唐国安为第一任校长，周诒春为第一任副校长。但是唐国安在任不到一年便告病故，临终立下遗嘱，举荐周诒春为校长。1919年为参议院议员。后历任北京中孚银行经理、整理财政委员会秘书长、关税特别会议委员会专门委员等职。1925年至1928年任中美文化教育基金保管委员会常务董事，创立北京图书馆，1933年任燕京大学代理校长，1935年任国民政府实业部次长，1945年后任农林部长、卫生署长。1948年南京解放前夕赴香港，1950年回国。1956年为政协全国委员会特邀代表。1958年在上海病逝。

2　清华大学的前身清华学堂成立于1911年，是清政府建立的留美预备学校。

顾孟余

1　顾孟余（1888—1972）原名兆熊，字梦渔，后改孟余，笔名公孙愈之。1905年入北京译学馆。1906年赴德国留学，入莱比锡大学习电机工程，旋入柏林大学攻读政治经济学，加入中国同盟会。1911年回国参加武昌起义。1916年任北京大学文科教授兼文科德文系主任，继而任法科经济系主任兼教务长。1925年任广东大学校长。1926年1月当选为中国国民党第二届中央执行委员，7月任中央政治会议委员，10月任中山大学委员会副主任。1927年当选为中央政治委员会委员、国民政府委员、国民党中央宣传部部长。1931年12月当选为国民党第四届中央执行委员。1932年3月任铁道部部长。1935年11月当选为国民党第五届中央执行委员，12月任中央政治委员会秘书长，并任交通部长。1938年7月当选为国民参政会第一届参政员。抗日战争爆发一年后，日本首相近卫文麿于1938年12月发表对中国招降声明。汪精卫在河内见此电文后，决定按与日方的约定声明响应，即把声明电稿交陈公博等携往香港，准备找顾孟余商量后，交林柏生在香港发出。顾见此电稿，坚决反对，认为汉奸决不可当，此电决不能发。1941年任中央大学校长。1942年任三民主义青年团中央团部指导员，9月派为高等考试典试委员长。1945年当选为国民党第六届中央执行委员。1948年2月为国民政府顾问，5月被任命为行政院副院长，未就。1949年4月迁居香港。1969年去台湾，1972年6月病逝于台北。

2　威尔逊（Thomas Woodrow Wilson，1856—1924）美国第28任总统（1913—1921），民主党人，领导美国参加第一次世界大战，倡议建立国际联盟并发表了他称之为“世界和平纲领”的“十四点”方案，获1919年诺贝尔和平奖。

3　豪斯（Edward Mandell House，1858—1938）美国外交家，原系富商，支持威尔逊当选总统，任总统顾问。第一次世界大战期间出使英、法、德等国，协助总统起草著名的“十四点和平纲领”等文件和演说稿，为出席巴黎和会的美国代表团成员。

4　鲍罗廷（Mikhail Markovich Borodin，1884—1951）苏联人，原名格鲁森伯格（Markovich Grusenberg）。1903年加入俄国社会民主工党。1919年出席第三国际第一次代表大会，后参加第三国际工作。1923年来中国，任第三国际驻华代表、苏联驻广东革命政府代表，并任国民党政治顾问，帮助改组国民党、促进国共合作。1924年1月参加国民党第一次全国代表大会，协助起草大会宣言并帮助孙中山筹组黄埔军校。1926年在处理“中山舰事件”、“整理党务案”中，对蒋介石采取妥协退让政策。1927年被武汉国民党中央解除顾问一职。回国后历任劳动人民委员、塔斯社代理负责人。后从事外文出版工作。1949年被捕，1951年死于劳动营。1956年平反。

5　劳合·乔治（David Lloyd George，1863—1945）英国首相（1916—1922）、自由党领袖，曾任财政大臣，率先实施社会福利政策。第一次世界大战中组成战时联合内阁，出席巴黎和会，承认爱尔兰独立。

叶公超

1　叶公超（1904—1981）外交家、书法家。名崇智，字公超，广东番禺人。1918年入天津南开中学。1920年赴美留学，毕业于麻省赫斯特大学后，转赴英国，研究西洋文学。1924年获剑桥大学硕士学位，又赴法国巴黎大学研究院研究。1926年回国，任北京大学英文系讲师。1927年参与创办新月书店，同年任暨南大学外国文学系主任、图书馆馆长，并兼吴淞中国公学英国文学教授。1928年3月《新月》创刊，与胡适等参与编辑。1929年任清华大学外文系教授。1935年复任北京大学英文系讲师。1937年抗日战争爆发，随校南迁。1938年5月任西南联合大学外文系主任。1941年任中国国民党中央宣传部国际宣传处驻马来亚专员。1942年奉委为国际宣传处驻伦敦办事处处长，1946年返国。1947年3月任国民政府外交部参事兼欧洲司司长，7月任外交部常务次长。1949年1月任外交部政务次长，3月代理部务，5月任外交部部长。后去台湾。1981年11月病逝于台北。著有《中国古代文化生活》、《英国文学中之社会原动力》、《叶公超散文集》等。

2　奥斯伯特·伯德特（Osbert Burdett，1885—1936）英国传记作家、文艺评论家，所著《比尔兹利时期》（The Beardsley Period: An Essay in Perspective）一书于1925年出版。

3　比尔兹利（Aubrey Beardsley，1872—1898）英国插图画家，继王尔德之后唯美主义运动的突出代表人物。1891年在威斯敏斯特艺术学校上过几个月夜校。1893年为托马斯·马洛礼子爵的《亚瑟王之死》画插图，1894年任新创季刊《黄面志》的艺术编辑和插图作者，为王尔德的剧本《莎乐美》（1894）所作插图使他名震遐迩。其画风深受新艺术曲线风格和日本木刻的粗犷特点影响，但画中女性明显的肉感使批评家和公众吃惊。之后为新杂志《卷心菜》的主要插图作者。

4　尼克贝太太，19世纪英国现实主义文学代表狄更斯（1812—1870）小说《尼古拉斯·尼克贝》中的人物。

5　《伊索寓言》中《没尾巴的狐狸》故事讲的是一只狐狸逃脱时挣断了尾巴，便劝说其他狐狸也把尾巴割掉，以免得他自己难为情；他的诡计当然被揭穿了。

6　三剑客，法国作家大仲马著名长篇小说《三剑客》（即《三个火枪手》）中的人物，即波尔朵斯、阿拉密斯和阿多斯；达达尼昂是小说的主人公。

7　惠斯勒（James Abbot McNeill Whistler，1834—1903）美国画家。长期侨居英国，主张“为艺术而艺术”，以夜景画、肖像画和版画闻名。作品有油画《白衣少女》、《艺术家的母亲》及铜版画《威尼斯风景》等。

林文庆医生

1　林文庆（1869—1957）福建海澄人，生于新加坡。1887年获英女皇奖学金，入英国爱丁堡大学医学院。1892年获内科学士和外科硕士学位，之后香港大学又授予其名誉法学博士学位。1893年回新加坡行医，同时积极传播中国传统文化。1897年与友人合办《海峡华人杂志》与“好学会”。为了在华侨中推广普通话，首先在自己家里开办普通话学习班。1906年访问巴达维亚中华会馆，劝说华侨采用华语作为共同语言，并负责开办了五所学校。他兴趣广泛，而且多有建树。1896年试种从南美洲引进的树胶，开办树胶种植园，被陈嘉庚称为“马来亚树胶之父”。早年在英国便与孙中山相识，1900年曾帮助营救在新加坡被捕的日本朋友宫崎寅藏。1906年2月，孙中山到新加坡组织同盟会分会，他欣然入会。1912年初，应孙中山邀请，到南京任临时政府内务部卫生司司长、总统保健医生。孙中山辞去临时大总统职后，返回新加坡继续行医。1921年4月，陈嘉庚创办厦门大学，首任校长上任不久辞职，陈嘉庚聘他继任。1926年，厦门大学成立国学研究院，林自兼院长。1929年完成《离骚》英译，由英国汉学家翟理斯和印度诗人泰戈尔作序出版。1930年兼任上海出版的英文《民族周刊》主编。1957年1月1日病逝于新加坡。殡葬之日，新加坡政要均亲临吊唁，各族人民前往执绋者不计其数。主要著作有《从内部发生的中国危机》、《东方生活的悲剧》和《新的中国》等。

2　这句话是模仿《威尼斯商人》第一幕第一场中Gratiano的台词“And when I ope my lips let no dog bark!”。

3　布鲁厄姆勋爵（Henry Peter Brougham，1778—1868）英国大法官兼上院议长、辉格党政治家、改革家、演说家。带头创办伦敦大学——英国第一所非教派的高等教育机构，并曾参加创办《爱丁堡评论》。他曾提出1820年民众教育法案，继续发表反对奴隶制的演说，提倡实行议会改革。在19世纪20年代，设立了“有益知识传播协会”，旨在使工人阶级能买到廉价的图书。后封男爵。1830年到1834年任大法官兼上院议长期间，曾主持多次重大法律改革，大大加快了平衡法诉讼程序，鼓励通过建立郡法院的立法，强使1832年的议会改革法案在上院通过。19世纪40年代，力主废除对进口谷物征税的《谷物法》。1848年法国发生巨大变化期间，企图获得法国公民资格，未果。在法国戛纳度过了最后30年的大部分时光。布鲁厄姆马车是他设计的马拉的四轮车。

4　埃夫伯里勋爵（Lord Avebury，1834—1913），即卢伯克爵士（Sir John Lubbock，1st Baron of Avebury）英国银行家、博物学家。在《史前时期》和《文明起源与人的原始状态》两书中创造了“旧石器时代”和“新石器时代”两个术语。他两度当选下院议员，并任伦敦大学副校长（1870—1880）。著有《昆虫的起源与变态》、《英国的野花》、《蚁、蜂和黄蜂》和《论动物的意识、本能和智能》。

5　吉尔伯特·怀特（Gilbert White，1720—1793）英国博物学家、牧师。所著《塞尔伯恩博物志及古迹》一书为英国第一部有关博物学的名著。

6　理雅各（James Legge，1814—1897）原名詹姆斯·莱格，华名理雅各。英国苏格兰汉学家。1837年在希格伯利神学院读神学，翌年加入伦敦会。1839年由该会派至马六甲布道，任该会在当地所办的英华书院院长，兼管教会出版事务。1843年，随书院迁至香港。为便于传教，立志深造汉语、翻译中国典籍。著作甚丰，对西方汉学界所作的最大贡献是他英译的四书、五经等书，总名为《中国经典》。此套书原计划出七卷，后只出五卷。卷一《论语》、《大学》、《中庸》；卷二《孟子》；卷三《书经》、《竹书纪年》；卷四《诗经》；卷五《春秋》、《左传》。此五卷并非理雅各独力之作，于1861—1886年间在香港陆续出版。西方汉学家们给予理氏以很高的评价，认为《中国经典》的问世“标志着汉学史上一个新纪元”，“理雅各的译作是对汉学研究空前伟大的贡献”。在中国翻译史上，他无疑是一位有重大影响的外籍译家，对于中外文化交流，客观上作出了很大贡献。

7　所罗门王（King Solomon，?—约公元前932）以色列国王（约公元前972—约前932）。大卫之子，加强国防，发展贸易，以武力维持统治，使犹太民族的发展达到鼎盛时期。以智慧著称。

林文庆医生之二

1　参看本书《林文庆医生》第二段。

2　克赖顿（James Crichton，1560—1582）苏格兰学者、演说家，以其哲学修养、记忆力、语言技巧和辩论才能而被称为“令人钦佩的”学者。1582年供职于曼图亚公爵宫廷，遭温琴佐·贡扎加亲王之嫉而被杀。文中是在讽刺的意味上使用这一称呼。

黄庐隐女士

1　黄庐隐（1898—1934）女作家。原名黄淑仪，又名黄英，笔名庐隐，福建闽侯人。毕业于慕贞女子中学后，应安徽安庆省立安徽女师附小校长舒畹荪之邀请，任体育教员。1919年秋，入北京女子高等师范学校为国文系旁听生，半年后改为正式生。1923年毕业后至安徽宣城中学教书。1926年秋，任上海大夏大学女生指导员（舍监）兼大夏大学附中国文教员。在校时曾加入妇女励志会。1927年春赴北京，任教于北师大附中。加入中国青年党。1930年任上海工部局女中国文教员。1934年5月病逝于上海。其作品多表现青年的爱情追求和苦闷彷徨，有反封建倾向，从一定角度反映了五四时代气息。文笔流利而凄婉。著有《海滨故人》、《曼丽》、《灵海潮汐》、《象牙戒指》、《玫瑰的刺》等。

2　斯塔尔夫人（Madame de Staël，1766—1817）法国女作家、法国浪漫主义文学先驱、文艺理论家、广交文坛名流的沙龙主人。原名Anne Louise Germaine Necker，著有《论文学》、《论德国》及小说《黛尔非娜》、《高丽娜》等。

王文显先生

1　王文显（1886—1968）剧作家，中国现代戏剧的重要先驱。字力山，江苏昆山人。曾入天津北洋大学，后赴英国留学，获伦敦大学文学士学位。曾任中国驻欧洲财政委员，《中国评论周报》编辑。1915年归国后任清华学校教务长。1922年4月暂行兼代清华学校副校长。1925年任清华大学外国文学系主任。1927年在美国哈佛大学师从戏剧理论家贝克教授学习编剧。次年回国，在清华外文系主讲外国戏剧、近代戏剧等课程。又在北京大学、北京师范大学、辅仁大学任教，培养了洪深、李健吾、曹禺等一批现代戏剧人才。

据清华外文系徐士瑚校友回忆，“西洋戏剧由系主任王文显教授讲，他曾用英文写过两出三幕剧《委曲求全》与《北京政变》（又名《梦里京华》）和五个独幕剧。后来李健吾译成中文，由某出版社出版了《王文显先生戏剧选》。1934年由健吾导演，曾在东城青年会礼堂与清华同方部各演出过一次《委曲求全》。王师讲这门课，他从古希腊、罗马戏剧讲起，通过中世纪的宗教剧，把重点放在17、18、19三个世纪的英、法、德、意、挪威等国的大戏剧家身上。对莎士比亚，他仅作了简要的介绍，因为他准备在四年级必修课《莎士比亚》堂上再细讲。对于法国大悲剧家拉辛与大喜剧家莫里哀，以及德国大戏剧家莱辛、席勒，意大利大喜剧家哥尔多尼，挪威大现实主义戏剧家易卜生以及英国戏剧大师萧伯纳等等，王师都作了详尽阐述。王师还指定我们读了莫里哀的《吝啬鬼》、易卜生的《傀儡家庭》，对两剧王师都作了详尽的分析。”

2　长老会，基督教新教加尔文宗的教会之一。因主张由教徒推选长老与牧师共同治理教会而得名。16世纪产生于苏格兰。主要分布在英美等国。鸦片战争后传入中国。

3　《委曲求全》写的是学校，暴露和讽刺了军阀统治下中国教育界的黑暗现实。

朱兆莘先生

1　朱兆莘（1879—1932）字鼎青，广东花县人。17岁考取秀才，次年补授廪生。肄业于广州西村广雅书院，后被选送至北京京师大学堂优级师范馆学习，因成绩优异，被钦赐为举人。1907年被选派美国学习，先后获得商务财政学士学位和法政硕士学位。1912年冬，膺选为国会美洲华侨代表回国。1913年加入中国国民党，被选为参议院议员，旋又被推为参议院外交委员会主席、宪法起草委员会委员。是年1月至7月，兼任北京大学商科主任、总统府秘书、谘议等。1914年1月，袁世凯宣布解散国会，被褫各种职务，遂前往厦门，任鼓浪屿会审公堂堂长，后返北京，进行律师事务活动。1916年国会恢复，仍任国会议员。1917年2月，任江苏特派交涉员。同年夏，任大总统府秘书。1918年3月，任驻美国旧金山总领事。1920年9月，调任中国驻英公使馆一等秘书。1921年2月，任驻英使馆代办使事。迭次担任国际联盟理事会和万国禁烟会议的中国代表。1925年3月，任驻意大利全权公使。1927年7月，宣告脱离北京政府；8月任国民政府外交部政务次长；同年6月任广东省政府委员。九一八事变后，任特种外交委员会委员。1932年12月11日以误食蛇羹中毒逝世。

2　勃艮第葡萄酒，法国名葡萄酒，出产在法国中东部勃艮第地区。

3　勃朗宁（Robert Browning，1812—1889）英国维多利亚时代最杰出的诗人之一，善于使用戏剧独白来写富于感染力的叙事诗，并进行细致的人物心理描绘。1826年读了雪莱的抒情诗集，受到巨大影响，从而决定了他的生活道路。1835年出版诗剧《帕拉塞尔萨斯》而大受欢迎，1841年至1846年间写了许多小诗集，其中包括《皮帕走过》和《卢雷亚》，以后又发表了《圣诞夜和复活节》、《男人和女人》、《指环和书》等。勃朗宁不同于当代浪漫派诗人，对大自然不感兴趣，而公开宣称对人的兴趣更大。

4　拉伯雷（François Rabelais，约1483或1494—1553）法国作家、人文主义者。代表作为《卡冈都亚和庞大固埃》(中译本名《巨人传》)，取材于通俗的传奇文学、笑剧、骑士故事及古典作品和意大利的文学作品，大量运用文艺复兴时期的法语，以及从粗俗的戏谑到深邃的讽刺等多种喜剧成分，涉及内容极其广泛，反映了文艺复兴时期新兴资产阶级的思想要求。

顾维钧博士

1　顾维钧（1888—1985）外交家。字少川，江苏嘉定（今属上海市）人。上海圣约翰书院毕业。1912年获美国哥伦比亚大学博士学位。曾任北洋政府驻美国公使。1919年参加巴黎和会，力争收回山东权益。次年任驻英国公使。1922年后任北洋政府外交总长、国务总理、财政总长。1931年后任国民政府外交部长，驻法、英、美等国大使。1945年出席旧金山会议，任中国代表团首席代表，参与起草《联合国宪章》。1957年后任海牙国际法庭法官、副庭长。1967年后定居美国。著有《顾维钧回忆录》。

2　内阁秘书，大总统英语秘书兼国务总理秘书。

3　北洋政府时，中国在国外的全权外交代表，除派驻苏联的是大使，在美国、英国和法国等西方国家均为公使。

4　临城劫车案，又称“津浦路大劫案”，指1923年发生在津浦铁路山东境内的火车被劫事件。5月6日凌晨，以土匪孙美瑶为首的“山东救国自治军”千余人于津浦线临城和沙沟站间拦劫一列特别快车，劫持中外乘客百余人，其中外国人26名。当时的北洋政府迫于外交压力与孙美瑶部谈判并达成和平解决协议。6月25日被劫人员全部获释。

5　塔列朗（Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord，1754—1838）法国外交部长（1797—1799）、外交大臣（1799—1807，1814—1815）、驻英大使（1830—1834）。拿破仑称帝后，秘密勾结沙皇亚历山大一世反对拿破仑（1808）。后受路易十八任命出席维也纳会议（1814—1815），分化同盟国，为法国积极谋求利益。

梁龙先生

1　梁龙（1893—?）外交官。字云从，广东梅县人。毕业于英国剑桥大学，曾任国民政府外交部条约委员会委员、上海临时法院庭长、大理庭庭长、国立北京法政大学校长等。1924年2月任国立广东大学法学院院长。1928年10月派驻德国使馆任一等秘书。1933年外交部调驻捷克使馆代理一等秘书。1934年10月任驻捷克使馆代办。1939年7月任驻罗马尼亚特命全权公使。1942年4月任外交部欧洲司司长。1945年3月任驻瑞士特命全权公使。1946年8月任驻捷克特命全权公使。

2　日耳曼鹅式步伐，纳粹德国军队正步走的走姿。

3　林长民（1876—1925）字宗孟，福建闽侯人，林徽因之父。1902年留学日本，研究政治经济学。1909年回国，任福建省谘议局秘书长。武昌起义后到上海，赞助革命。南京临时政府成立时，为福建省代表，后任南京参议院秘书长。1912年参与组织共和党，次年被选为众议院议员，任秘书长。共和党与其他保守党派合并为进步党后，任政治部部长。1917年任段祺瑞内阁司法总长。1919年著文反对巴黎和会，偏袒日本。1920年游历欧美，1923年归国，任北京政府宪法起草委员会委员。1925年11月郭松龄通电反对张作霖而改称东北国民军时，入郭幕，参与反张，兵败身死。

4　蒋作宾（1884—1941）字雨岩，湖北应城人。1905年留学日本，加入同盟会。1908年日本士官学校步兵科毕业，回国任保定军官速成学校教官。次年，调陆军部军衡司任职，1911年升司长。武昌起义后去九江，任军政府参谋长。南京临时政府成立，任陆军部次长。1915年称病辞职，被袁世凯幽禁于北京西山。次年袁死，出任参谋本部次长。1917年出国游历，1919年回国，参加驱逐湖北督军王占元。1921年被推举为湖北省总监。1922年至1925年奔走于江、浙、津、京间，为广州国民革命政府协调各方面关系。南京国民政府成立后，历任政府委员及军事委员会委员、驻德公使、驻日大使、内政部长、安徽省政府主席等职。

5　指九一八事变后日本对中国的入侵、对中国东北三省的侵占。

伍连德博士

1　伍连德（1879—1960）公共卫生学家、医学史家、中国检疫防疫事业的先驱。字星联，广东香山（今中山）人，出生于马来西亚北部的槟榔屿。1896年留学英国剑桥大学以马内利学院（今译伊曼纽尔学院）学医。1902年获医学士学位，1903年获医学博士学位。1904年底回槟榔屿，开业行医。1907年受清政府直隶总督袁世凯邀聘，任天津陆军军医学堂副监督。1911年4月世界鼠疫会议在沈阳举行，任中国首席代表和大会主席。1910年至1911年和1920年至1921年，东北各地鼠疫流行期间，为鼠疫防治作出卓越贡献。1912年，南京临时政府设立东三省防疫事务总管理处，任处长兼总医官。1915年建立中华医学会，任书记并兼《中华医学杂志》总编辑。1916年任黎元洪总统特医及京汉、京张、京奉、津浦四条铁路总医官。1918年任北京政府中央防疫处处长、北京中央医院院长。1919年1月代表外交部到上海监督焚烧鸦片。1920年去美国约翰·霍普金斯大学进修学校卫生和公共卫生。1922年受奉天督军张作霖委托，在沈阳创建东北陆军医院。1926年创办哈尔滨医学专门学校（哈尔滨医科大学前身），任校长。1927年国际联盟卫生处聘其为该处中国委员，并授予“鼠疫专家”称号。出席国际联盟在印度召开的第七次远东热带病学会，被选为副主席。1931年代表南京国民政府出席国际联盟卫生会议；在上海主持召开第一届检疫学术研究会。1937年4月任中华医学会公共卫生学会会长。1937年八一三事变后，被迫举家重返马来西亚。1960年1月病逝于马来西亚槟榔屿。著有《论肺型鼠疫》、《鼠疫概论》、《中国医史》等。

2　槟榔屿，马来西亚西北部岛屿。

3　英国以前在马六甲海峡沿岸的殖民地，包括槟榔屿、新加坡、马六甲和附近小岛。

4　利物浦，英格兰西部港口城市。

5　哈雷，德国城市。

6　巴尔的摩，美国马里兰州中北部港口城市。

刘复博士

1　刘复（1891—1934）诗人、翻译家、语言学家、“五四”新文化运动的先驱之一、中国语言及摄影理论奠基人。原名寿彭，后改名复，字半农，江苏江阴人。出生于知识分子家庭，1911年曾参加辛亥革命，1912年后在上海以向“鸳鸯蝴蝶派”报刊投稿为生。1917年到北京大学任法科预科教授，并参与《新青年》杂志的编辑工作。积极投身文学革命，反对文言文，提倡白话文，提倡分段、句读，使用新式标点符号，并首创“她”、“它”两字。1920年到英国伦敦大学的大学院学习实验语音学，1921年夏转入法国巴黎大学，专攻语言学。1925年获得法国国家文学博士学位，所著《汉语字声实验录》，荣获法国“康士坦丁·伏尔内语言学专奖”，是我国第一个获此国际大奖的语言学家。1925年秋回国，任北京大学中国文学系教授，讲授语音学。1934年在北平病逝，《世界日报·国语周刊》、《青年界》等刊物出了纪念专辑。蔡元培、鲁迅、周作人、钱玄同、赵元任、黎锦熙、张恨水等数十人写了悼念文章。著有《半农杂文》及诗集《扬鞭集》，采编的民歌集《瓦釜集》，专著《中国文法通论》、《四声实验录》等。

2　此说有误。据蔡元培所撰《故国立北京大学教授刘君碑铭》，“……决游学欧洲。九年，赴英吉利……”；周作人所撰《故国立北京大学教授刘君墓志》载，“九年，教育部派赴欧洲留学……”。即刘复教授1920年始出国留学。

3　“中基会”，全称为“中华教育文化基金董事会”（China Foundation for the Promotion of Education and Culture），成立于1924年，负责保管并支配美国第二次退还的庚子赔款余额，用以促进中国的教育与文化事业。后更名为“中华教育文化基金会”。该会曾于1932年至1937年间与北京大学合作设立研究特款，作为聘请研究教授、添购图书及仪器等用途。

4　戴传贤，即戴季陶（1890—1949）名传贤，号天仇，浙江吴兴人。早年留学日本，参加同盟会，辛亥革命后追随孙中山。1924年任国民党中央宣传部长。1925年参加西山会议派活动，发表《孙文主义之哲学基础》、《国民革命与中国国民党》等文章，歪曲孙中山学说的革命内容，反对共产党和工农运动，为蒋介石发动反革命政变制造舆论。1927年南京国民政府成立后，历任国民政府委员、考试院院长，长时期为蒋介石的谋士。1949年2月在广州自杀。

5　绥远，旧省名，在中国北部。1914年置绥远特别区，1928年改设省，所辖范围相当于今内蒙古自治区鄂尔多斯市、巴彦淖尔市及呼和浩特市、包头市等地。1954年撤销，并入内蒙古自治区。

6　此说有误。据蔡元培所撰《故国立北京大学教授刘君碑铭》，“……妻朱惠，长女育厚，男育伦，次女育敦……”；周作人所撰《故国立北京大学教授刘君墓志》载，“……夫人朱惠，生子女三人，育厚、育伦、育敦”。即刘复教授所遗并非只是两个女儿。

王德林，“武牛”

1　王德林（1873—1938）抗日爱国将领。山东沂南人。早年组织义军抗击沙俄军队，后被吉林督军收编，任营长驻防延吉地区。九一八事变后，王德林率部举起抗日义旗，在共产党员李延禄的帮助下，1932年2月在延吉成立“中国国民救国军”，担任总指挥。之后，在吉林、黑龙江等广大地区，屡屡重创日伪军，被誉为“救国军常胜将军”。国民党曾派人争取其反共，他坚持不分党派共同抗日。1932年11月，日军纠集重兵“进剿”救国军，国民党政府坐视不救，1933年1月无奈率部退入苏联境内，5月转道回国，继续从事抗日救亡运动，筹组抗日武装。1935年中国共产党领导成立东北抗日联军，曾提名其任总司令，因疾病缠身未能就任。1938年12月病逝。

2　三岔口，现属黑龙江，在绥芬河以南，延吉以北。

3　罗宾汉，英国传说中啸聚绿林、劫富济贫的侠盗首领。

4　“二十一条”，日本帝国主义妄图独占中国的秘密条款。1915年1月18日由日本驻华公使日置益当面向袁世凯提出。共有5号，分为21条。袁世凯为了换取日本对他复辟帝制的支持，除对第五号条款“中国政府须聘用日本人为政治、财政、军事顾问……”声明“容日后协商”外，均予承认。由于中国人民反对，日本的侵略要求未能实现。

5　敦化，在吉林省延边朝鲜族自治州西北部、牡丹江上游，邻接黑龙江省。

6　1928年张作霖败退东北，所乘火车途经沈阳西郊皇姑屯车站时，被日本关东军埋设的炸弹炸成重伤，当日身亡。

丁文江博士

1　丁文江（1887—1936）地质学家、地质教育家、中国地质科学的奠基人。字在君，江苏泰兴人。早年留学英国格拉斯哥大学。辛亥革命前一年，曾到云南东部作地质考察旅行，搜集古生物和地层标本，准备论文。毕业后回国。1913年任民国政府工商部矿政司地质科科长，筹备创设地质研究所。1913年秋研究所开学，又前往云南作地质考察，约一年。1916年地质科扩为地质调查局，不久改为地质调查所，任所长五年。1921年北票煤矿公司成立，任总经理。1919年随北京政府特派员梁启超赴欧洲考察，并列席巴黎和会。1922年创立中国地质学会，两度担任会长。根据云南的考察所得写了新的论文提交给格拉斯哥大学，被该校授予博士学位。1926年被北京政府任命为东南五省联军总司令孙传芳直辖的“淞沪商埠督办公署总办”。1927年北伐军进入上海，被通缉，曾在大连躲避，后任北京大学地质系教授。中央研究院总干事杨杏佛被暗杀后，院长蔡元培聘其为继任总干事。1935年应铁道部长顾孟余之邀赴湘南考察，不意煤气中毒，遽尔长逝。著有《动物学教科书》，与他人合著地理著作若干；所遗地质考察材料，编成《丁文江先生地质调查报告》。

2　卫灵敦勋爵（Freeman Freeman-Thomas，1st Marquess of Willingdon，1866—1941）英国政治家、英属加拿大总督（1926—1931）、英属印度总督（1931—1936）。1926年作为中英庚子赔款顾问委员会副主席率团来华，参加中英双方庚款会议。其间，丁文江曾就是否出任淞沪商埠督办公署总办一职向其请教。

3　贝尔福伯爵（Arthur James Balfour，1848—1930）英国保守党领袖、首相（1902—1905）、外交大臣（1916—1919）。1917年发表“贝尔福宣言”，支持犹太复国主义。1922年封伯爵。如今的以色列就是根据他设计的蓝图建立的。

4　莫利勋爵（John Morley，1st Viscount Morley of Blackburn，1838—1923）英国政治家、历史学家、传记作家。曾任爱尔兰事务大臣、印度国务大臣和枢密院长。著有《伏尔泰》、《卢梭》、《狄德罗与百科全书派》、《论妥协》、《政治与历史》、《文学研究》、《克伦威尔》和《伯克传》等，并主编过《评论双周刊》和《佩尔美尔街日报》。

5　布赖斯子爵（James Bryce，1838—1922）英国政治家、外交家和历史学家。历任外交国务大臣、兰开斯特公国大臣和商务大臣，1905年任爱尔兰事务大臣，1907年至1913年任驻美大使。著有三卷本《美利坚共和国》，1914年封子爵。

6　《家庭大学丛书》，全称是Home University Library of Modern Knowledge，系20世纪初期纽约Henry Holt & Company出版社推出的知识丛书，普及性质，作者都较权威。

7　《剑桥科学与文学文丛》，全称是The Cambridge Manuals of Science and Literature，系20世纪初期纽约G. P. Putnam's Sons出版社推出的普及性入门丛书。

8　《新工具》，书名，弗兰西斯·培根未完成的主要著作《伟大的复兴》的第二部分。原文为拉丁文，1620年出版。相对于亚里士多德以演绎逻辑为主的《工具论》，培根称他的这部提出新方法（归纳法）的著作为《新工具》。

9　托尔斯泰（Leo Tolstoy，1828—1910）俄国作家、改革家、道德思想家。《战争与和平》和《安娜·卡列尼娜》是他最伟大的两部杰作。71岁时写了最后一部长篇小说《复活》。其作品和现实主义创作方法对世界文学有巨大影响。

10　“淞沪商埠督办公署总办”，相当于上海市市长。

11　据胡适《丁文江的传记》，“狂热运动”疑指“苏俄的共产”。丁文江把“为全种万世而牺牲个体一时”当“宗教信仰”，“极热忱地希望苏俄成功”。

12　赫伯特·乔治·威尔斯（Herbert George Wells，1866—1946）英国小说家、新闻记者、政治家、社会学家、历史学家。尤以其创作的《时光机器》、《隐形人》、《星际战争》等科幻小说和《世界史纲》而闻名。他当然不是“圣徒”，他的言论也不是宗教上的“福音”，但阐述了他对社会现状和人类未来的思考。

已故的辜鸿铭先生

1　辜鸿铭（1856—1928）学者。名汤生，自号汉滨读易者，字鸿铭，福建同安（今属厦门）人。出生于马来亚华侨世家，少年时便随义父布朗赴英国留学，先后在欧洲各国获得十余种学位。通数国语文，曾为张之洞幕僚，清末官外务部左丞。辛亥革命后任教于北京大学。政治态度极为保守，推崇孔孟学说，反对新文化。著有《读易堂文集》、《春秋大义》（即《中国人的精神》）等，译有《痴汉骑马歌》，并以西文介绍儒家经典，将《论语》、《中庸》等译为英文。

2　萨默塞特·毛姆（William Somerset Maugham，1874—1965）英国小说家、文艺评论家。因洞察而怀疑人类的善良与智力，作品基调愤世嫉俗。著有长篇小说《人性的枷锁》、《月亮和六便士》、《大吃大喝》和《刀锋》等，其短篇小说尤脍炙人口。

3　毛姆原书出版于1922年，中译本有《在中国屏风上》（湖南人民出版社，1987年）；《天堂之魔——毛姆传》（中国文联出版社，1987年）将此书译为《中国一览》，《辜鸿铭文集》（海南出版社，1996年）则将该书译为《中国剪影》。

吴赉熙先生

1　吴赉熙（1881—1951）爱国华侨。祖籍广东潮安，1881年生于新加坡。17岁赴英国入读于剑桥大学，以17年时间将所有学科几乎读竟，取得医学博士及许多其他学位。34岁时经西伯利亚返国回到北京。曾创北京第一份英文报纸，初名Peiping Daily News，后改名Peking Chronicle，自任社长兼主编。在遂安伯胡同29号成立南洋华侨俱乐部，为华侨免费提供食宿，密切了华侨与祖国的关系。抗日战争时期，经济力量虽不出众，但为了支持抗战，倾囊捐助。兴趣广泛，是栽培月季花的专家、小提琴演奏家、自然保护主义者，还是文物鉴定和收藏家。1951年去世后，所藏瓷器、青铜器、字画等由其子无偿捐献给国家。

2　七大奇观，古代世界七种著名建筑物和雕刻品的总称，最早由公元前3世纪的旅行家昂蒂帕克提出，即：埃及金字塔、巴比伦空中花园、以弗所阿尔忒弥斯神庙、奥林匹亚宙斯神像、哈利卡纳苏摩索拉斯陵墓、罗得岛太阳神巨像、亚历山大灯塔。

3　15世纪法国诗人阿兰·夏蒂埃（Alain Chartier）最著名的一首诗就题为La Belle Dame sans Merci，据说英文译者为乔叟。英国诗人济慈也有一首诗以此为题，有人译为“冷酷的妖女”。

吴稚晖先生

1　吴稚晖（1865—1953）原名 ，后名敬恒，字稚晖，江苏武进人。清光绪举人。1901年留学于日本东京高等师范学校，次年与蔡元培等人发起成立上海爱国学社。1905年加入同盟会。1907年，与张静江、李石曾在巴黎组织世界社，发行《新世纪》，宣传革命。1915年，与李石曾等发起组织留法俭学会，1921年任里昂中法大学校长。1924年起任国民党中央监察委员、国防最高会议常委等。1948年当选为中央研究院院士。1949年去台湾。著有《吴稚晖先生合集》。吴稚晖关心教育，认为“无音可读”是汉字的缺点。早在1895年，他便为不识字的妻子草创了一种“豆芽菜”字母。1913年1月，担任国语读音统一会会长； 2月，召开全国读音统一会，主持制定注音字母。

2　约翰逊（Samuel Johnson，1709—1784）英国作家、评论家、散文作家和辞书编纂者。编有《英语辞典》、《莎士比亚集》，作品有长诗《伦敦》、《人类欲望的虚幻》等。《英语辞典》收词4万，以词义精确和文学引语丰赡著称，质量超过以往所有的英文辞典，成为辞书编撰史上永久的丰碑。他之所以出名并不仅仅因为他的作品，还由于谈吐机智隽永、语言强劲有力。下文提到的《漫步者》是他在1750年至1752年独自编写和发行的一份双周刊，主要涉及道德和宗教主题。

3　切利尼（Benvenuto Cellini，1500—1571）意大利雕刻家、金匠，除雕塑外也从事金币、奖牌等金属制品的制作。在法国和意大利都有重要地位，代表作有《帕尔修斯》雕像，并有《自传》问世。

4　托利党，英国政党，形成于17世纪70年代末，代表土地贵族和高级教士利益。至19世纪中期，成为保守党的建党基础。托利（Tory），原指爱尔兰歹徒，即反英游击队成员，这是辉格党对于反对党的贬称。

5　辉格党，英国政党，1679年至1682年间在国会中形成，代表工商业资产阶级利益。19世纪中叶与其他资产阶级政党合并成为自由党。辉格（Whig），原指苏格兰强盗，这是托利党对于反对党的贬称。

6　基督教监理会，基督教会之一支。18世纪约翰·卫斯理在英国圣公会内开展恢复其活力的运动，是为循道派。后来在圣公会内立会，是为循道宗。随移民传入美国，南北战争期间由于对蓄奴制态度不同而分裂成南北两支，至1939年又合并。Southern Methodist Church在中国境内从事传教活动时，自称“监理会”。

顾静徽女士

1　顾静徽（1900—1983）物理学家、物理教育家，中国近代史上第一个物理学女博士。江苏嘉定人。1923年在上海大同大学考取留学美国公费生。1926年毕业于美国康奈尔大学文理学院。1928年获美国耶鲁大学硕士学位。1931年获美国密歇根大学物理博士学位。回国后，历任大同大学、唐山交通大学（平越）、广西大学等校物理学教授。1937年至1939年，在德国柏林威廉皇家物理研究所（战后改为蒲朗克研究所）任研究员。1947年至1949年任国立编译馆编纂，曾参加《中国物理学辞典》的编纂工作。新中国成立后，任北京钢铁学院教授、物理教研室主任、中国物理学会北京分会第一至第七届副理事长。专长低温物理学和光谱学，在诸所大学任教中培养了一批优秀人才，国际知名物理学家吴健雄就是她的学生。主要论文有《铬钾矾在低温下的斯塔克效应及其热能和磁能的关系》、《对称三原子光带系的强度分布》、《二氧化碳的吸收光谱》等。

杨丙辰先生

1　杨丙辰（1892—1966）又名震文，河南南阳人。1913年考取省公费留德，入柏林大学，1918年归国，历任北京大学德文教授，清华大学教授、河南大学校长。作为中国德语文学学科的开山祖，兼及北大、清华两大学统，曾为张威廉、商承祖、冯至、季羡林、杨业治、田德望等人师长。他的重要贡献还表现在翻译上，所译包括莱辛、席勒、歌德、豪普特曼和其他德国诗人的作品，影响颇大。他还翻译过里尔的《德国民族的性格》、费希特的《对德意志国民的演讲》以及《汤若望传》、《洛莱神女》、《火焰》等。他的经历，大致可分为两段，1918—1949年和20世纪50—60年代。归国之初，地位与名声都很不差，胡适任北大英文系主任，他是北大德文系主任；校长蔡元培曾为他翻译的德国剧本作序。但是，到了30年代，据李长之说：“他不擅长于做一个精明强干的事业家，当他一遇到现实生活，就仍显出他是一个书生来。他的性情也不近人情，他也没有兴趣去做一个运用手腕的人。他的心太好，他有的是正义、正气，可是他不耐烦，也不能够应付恶人。倘若人们不怕正义，或者正气，当然杨先生是这个鬼蜮世界上的失败者。所以他在两个大学，都受排挤了。”1949年后，居然连教职都丢了。有人说，是因为“杨丙辰还是那样不通人情世故，解放战争就要胜利了，他的同乡某人拉他加入什么党派，他觉得无所谓，答应了”。据黄鸿森先生了解，1949年后被管制，到1956年才进入北京编译社从事德文翻译。60年代初某日，在北京景山附近的食品店里，张中行碰到杨丙辰，杨氏正在那里排队买高价点心。杨老师把学生拉到一边，低声对他说：“要设法买这个吃。不能不活着，身体要紧。”在学生辈中，李长之对他的敬重始终如一。现在谈论李长之的文章，几乎都要强调：“李长之早年学生物，后来受清华大学德国文学教授杨丙辰影响，改学哲学，在当时文学批评领域能够占有一席之地，与他的哲学功底大有关系。”李长之也并不讳言而撰有《杨丙辰先生论》，甚至在“其恩师……被剥夺了发表文章的自由时，李长之往往在刊发自己的翻译作品时多署一个笔名，以便偷偷接济年迈而已无力糊口的老师” 。据北京编译社同事宋宁先生说，杨先生过世于1966年，“文化大革命”正开展得如火如荼之际。

2　据《神曲》，地狱边境是基督降生前未受洗的儿童和好人的灵魂所居之处。

3　genus、species、kingdom在这里都是自然科学分类的范畴，尤其在生物学界。如生物之分为动物、植物两大kingdom，这里的kingdom，不是“王国”，而是“界”。

4　请参考本书《吴经熊》一文注释7。在史书上不难看见他的画像，这可以帮助我们了解什么叫做“格莱斯顿式的高领圈”。

冯友兰博士

1　冯友兰（1895—1990）哲学家、哲学史家。字芝生，河南唐河人。1915年入北京大学文科中国哲学门。1919年赴美留学，获哲学博士学位。回国后历任中州大学、中山大学、燕京大学、清华大学哲学教授。抗战期间，任西南联合大学哲学系教授兼文学院院长。1947年任清华大学校务会议主席。1952年起任北京大学哲学系教授，中国科学院哲学社会科学部委员，第二至四届全国政协委员，第六、七届全国政协常委。20世纪30年代初出版两卷本《中国哲学史》，把中国哲学史分为“子学时代”和“经学时代”，肯定了传统儒学的价值。40年代写《新理学》、《新事论》、《新世训》、《新原人》、《新原道》、《新知言》，以程朱理学结合新实在论，构建其“新理学”体系。新中国成立后著有《中国哲学史新编》等，论著编为《三松堂全集》。

2　沃尔浦尔（Horace Walpole，4th Earl of Orford，1717—1797）英国作家、鉴赏家、收藏家。著述颇丰，以英国第一部哥特式小说《奥特朗托堡》和可以概观当时社会政治情况、风俗情趣的三千多封书信闻名。

3　伯内特（John Burnet，1863—1928）苏格兰古典主义者，认其对柏拉图的研究闻名。泽勒（Eduard Zeller，1814—1908）德国哲学家。文德尔班（Wilhelm Windelband，1848—1915）德国哲学家、新康德主义弗赖堡学派的创始人。厄尔德曼（Johann Eduard Erdmann，1805—1892）德国哲学家、心理学家。

4　模仿冯友兰对于“objective”（客观）和“subjective”（主观）带有河南口音而又有点口吃的发音。

刘铁云

1　刘铁云（1857—1909）清末小说家。名鹗，字铁云，别署洪都百炼生，室名抱残守缺斋，江苏丹徒人。通数学、医术、水利等学。1888年至1895年，先后入河南、山东巡抚幕府，帮办治黄工程，成绩显著。亦曾兴办实业，鼓励“洋为中用”。1897年，应伦敦福公司之聘，任筹采山西矿产经理。后又曾参与拟订河南矿务机关豫丰公司章程，并为福公司擘划开采四川麻哈金矿、浙江衢严温处四府煤铁矿，成为外商之买办与经纪人。八国联军入侵北京时，向俄军贱价购得所掠太仓储粟，设平粜局赈济饥民。1908年，被诬以私散仓粟及为外人在浦口购置产业，遣戍新疆，次年病死。所著《老残游记》是晚清谴责小说的代表作。生平喜金石碑帖，著有《铁云藏龟》和《铁云藏陶》，是甲骨文最早收藏者之一。胡适曾概括刘鹗的一生，称其“有四件大事：一是河工，二是甲骨文字的辨认，三是请开山西的矿，四是购买太仓的米来赈济北京难民”。

2　端方（1861—1911）清末大臣、金石学家。满洲正白旗人，托忒克氏。字午桥，号斋。曾任陕西按察使、护理陕西巡抚。后擢升湖北巡抚，署湖广总督。再迁江苏巡抚，署两江总督。1905年与载泽等出国考察政治，次年归国，上《欧美政治要义》，建议预备立宪，以抵制革命。同年任两江总督。1909年移督直隶，因在东陵拍摄慈禧葬仪被摄政王载沣免职。1911年起用为川汉、粤汉铁路督办大臣，率军入川镇压保路运动，在资州被起义士兵所杀。著有《端忠敏公奏稿》、《匋斋吉金录》等。

3　曾国藩（1811—1872）清末洋务派、湘军首领。原名子城，字伯涵，号涤生，湖南湘乡人。道光进士。曾任内阁学士兼礼部侍郎等职。从唐鉴、倭仁讲习理学。1853年初为对抗太平天国，以在籍侍郎身份在湖南办团练，旋扩编为湘军。次年发布《讨粤匪檄》，攻击太平天国。率兵出省作战，夺取武昌和田家镇。1855年在湖口、九江被打败，退守南昌。次年因太平天国发生“杨韦事变”，再陷武昌。1858年占九江，令李续宾率湘军主力攻三河，被歼灭。旋以曾国荃吉字营为基础，扩充实力。1860年升两江总督，授钦差大臣，督办江南军务，节制苏、皖、赣、浙四省军务。主张“借洋兵助剿”。1862年为协办大学士，派李鸿章到上海，左宗棠入浙江，会同“常胜军”、“常捷军”夹攻太平军，并派曾国荃围攻天京（今南京）。1864年7月攻陷天京。次年奉命督办直隶（今河北）、山东、河南三省军务，镇压捻军，后战败回两江总督任。与李鸿章、左宗棠创办上海江南制造局、福建马尾船政局等军事工业。1868年授武英殿大学士，调任直隶总督。1870年查办天津教案，惩办民众，对外妥协，受到舆论谴责，回任两江总督。后病死南京。有《曾文正公全集》。但刘大钧原文所写为“曾国荃”，而非“曾国藩”。

4　捻军，太平天国时期活动于北方的农民起义军。原称捻子（今称捻党）。每一股谓“一捻子”，分布于苏、鲁、豫、鄂、皖一带，以皖北为活动中心。成员主要是农民、手工业者、盐贩和游民。以抗粮、抗差、打富济贫等为斗争方式。1853年太平天国北伐军经过安徽、河南，捻党纷纷响应，从此展开大规模武装斗争。1855年张乐行召集各路捻军首领会盟，被推为盟主。1857年与太平军陈玉成、李秀成等会师，接受太平天国领导。此后捻军转战豫、皖、苏、鲁、鄂各省，屡败清军。1862年陈玉成牺牲后，张乐行受清军围攻，次年初被俘牺牲。1864年太平军赖文光推为捻军首领，整编军队，采用流动战术，易步为骑。次年在曹州高楼寨击杀僧格林沁。1866年于河南分为东西两路活动，1868年初东捻军在扬州附近失败。西捻军为援救东捻军，经山西、直隶（今河北）至山东北部，1868年在茌平徒骇河边覆没。捻军坚持战斗十六年，活动范围达八省，有力配合了太平天国和北方各地人民的斗争。

5　张翰仙（生卒年不详）名汝梅，字翰仙。历任山西右江道、山西按察使、陕西布政使。1897年山东巨野教案后，继李秉衡任山东巡抚。抵任后主张持平办理民教纠纷，清政府责其弹压无力，遂革职。

6　原文拼写为Li Hung-chung，疑为Li Hung-chang之误，按。李鸿章（1823—1901）清末洋务派、淮军首领。字少荃，安徽合肥人。道光进士。1853年在籍办团练抵抗太平军，1858年入曾国藩幕。1861年编练淮军，次年在外国侵略者支持下进攻太平军，升任江苏巡抚。1866年继曾国藩任钦差大臣，节制各军专办镇压捻军事务。1870年继曾国藩任直隶总督兼北洋大臣，掌管清廷外交、军事、经济大权。从60年代起开办近代军事工业，先后设立江南制造局、轮船招商局、开平煤矿等洋务事业。利用海关税收购买军火和军舰，扩充淮军实力，建立北洋海军。在对外交涉中主张妥协。1876年与英国签订《烟台条约》，1885年与法国订立《中法新约》。中日甲午战争中避战求和，签订《马关条约》。1896年签订《中俄密约》。1900年八国联军侵占北京后，被任为议和全权大臣，与庆亲王奕劻代表清政府于次年签订《辛丑条约》。著有《李文忠公全集》。李鸿章与刘父成忠有年谊。

章太炎

1　章太炎（1869—1936）原名学乘，字枚叔，后易名炳麟。因反清而慕顾绛（顾炎武），改名绛。浙江余杭人，清末民初思想家，史学家，朴学大师，民族主义革命者。出生书香门第，受祖父章鉴及外祖朱有虔民族主义熏陶。1890年遵父亲章睿（古文经学家）遗命入杭州诂经精舍，师从俞樾、谭献等。1898年春，应张之洞邀赴武汉办报。戊戌后，仍遭通缉，避祸台湾，任《台湾日日新报》记者。1899年夏赴日本，与梁启超等修好，回上海参与《亚东时报》编务。1900年后，严复等在上海组“中国议会”以挽救时局，章应邀参加。1902年再次逃亡日本，寓梁启超《新民丛报》馆。1903年发表《驳康有为论革命书》，指斥清帝，为邹容《革命军》作序，遂发生“苏报案”，入狱三年。1906年赴日本参加同盟会，继任《民报》主笔。著有《文始》、《新方言》、《国故论衡》、《齐物论释》等。开汉语言文字学、经学、文学、及哲学心理学现代化研究先河。辛亥后，1912年2月任南京临时政府枢密顾问。同年冬任袁世凯政府东三省筹边使。1913年回上海，6月与汤国黎结婚。二次革命败后，章觉袁世凯包藏祸心，1913年8月进京，欲与袁理论，袁不见，乃至新华门大骂，遂遭袁囚禁。1916年6月袁死，恢复自由。7月参与护法运动，任海陆军大元帅府秘书长。1918年离开广州。1920年拥护联省自治。1922年讲学上海，但反对国民革命军北伐。1927年南京国民政府成立，章不合作。晚年主张读经。1935年，在蒋介石资助下，于苏州开设章氏国学讲习会，并出版学刊《制言》。撰《救学弊论》批评教育体制，主张回归民间办学和书院教育。1936年6月14日因鼻窦癌卒于苏州锦帆路寓所。

2　1934年《人间世》第11期“今人志”专栏，曹聚仁撰《章太炎先生》。

3　当为《齐物论释》。

周廷旭先生

1　周廷旭（1903—1972）中国油画先驱，福建厦门人。14岁时就读于伦敦传教士协会在天津创办的英中学院。1920年毕业后出国留学，先在哈佛大学学习艺术史和考古学，随后进入波士顿艺术博物馆美术学院学习绘画艺术。1923年赴欧，先在法国著名的巴黎美术学院，翌年移居英国，就读于伦敦大学。1925年进入英国皇家美术学院，在名师指导下进行系统严格的西方艺术学习。1930年作为优才生毕业后到大英博物馆工作，从事中国艺术研究一年余。随后花了将近十年的时间到世界各地旅游、写生和创作。1942年在纽约最著名的诺德勒画廊成功地举办了来美后的第一次个展。他的油画风格是在欧洲印象主义和现代强调个性表现的思潮发展基础上形成的，去掉了学院派的繁琐细节模写，追求色彩的单纯化，强调平面的构成，使用大块面的分割，结合外光的点彩和东方的线描，给人以清新宁静、和谐愉悦之感。1972年1月在格拉斯顿伯利去世。2003年华盛顿州州长骆家辉签署文件，把2月14日定为全州的“周廷旭日”(Teng Hiok Chiu's Day)，以表示对这位美籍华人艺术家的尊重。

2　朗吉努斯（Dionysius Cassius Longinus，约213—273）古希腊新柏拉图主义哲学家、修辞学教师、文学批评创新作品《论崇高》的作者。从修辞学角度研究“崇高体”，认为崇高风格的因素有“掌握伟大思想的能力”、“强烈深厚的热情”、“修辞格的妥当应用”、“高尚的文辞”以及“庄严而生动的布局”。

3　菲利普·锡德尼爵士（Sir Philip Sidney，1554—1586）英国诗人、廷臣、军人。作品有传奇故事《阿卡迪亚》、牧歌短剧《五月女郎》、十四行组诗《爱星者和星星》以及文学评论《诗辩》等。

4　克雷齐克（Thomas Creswick，1811—1869）英国风景画家。艺术评论家罗斯金很推崇他的画作。

5　透纳（Joseph Mallord William Turner，1775—1851）英国风景画家。擅长水彩画，融合油画与水彩技法，追求光与色的效果。主要作品有《运输船的遇难》、《迪埃普港》及《雨、蒸气和速度》等。

陈通伯

1　陈通伯（1896—1970）文学评论家、翻译家。名源，字通伯，笔名西滢，江苏无锡人。1912年春，经表舅吴稚晖介绍赴英国爱丁堡中学求学，毕业后入爱丁堡大学，后转伦敦大学攻读政治经济学。1921年毕业，获博士学位。1922年应蔡元培之邀回国，任北京大学外文系教授、系主任。1924年在胡适的支持下，与徐志摩、王世杰、周鲠生、杨振声等13人创办《现代评论》周刊，主编该刊《闲话》专栏，发表杂文，反对以鲁迅为代表的左翼文艺运动，与鲁迅爆发多次笔战。1929年任武汉大学教授兼文学院院长。1940年由吴稚晖推荐，当选为国民参政会参政员。1941年任中央文化协会会长。1946年经胡适推荐，出任国民政府常驻联合国教科文组织代表。1966年夏定居英国伦敦。著有《西滢闲话》、《西滢后话》，译有屠格涅夫的《父与子》和《梅立克短篇小说集》、《少年维特之创造》等。

2　简·奥斯汀（Jane Austen，1775—1817）英国女作家。以善于描绘中产阶级家庭生活著称，著有长篇小说《傲慢与偏见》、《爱玛》、《理智与情感》和《曼斯菲尔德花园》等。

3　阿纳托尔·法朗士（Anatole France，1844—1924）法国小说家、文艺评论家。关心社会问题，后逐渐倾向社会主义，1921年加入法国共产党，同年获得诺贝尔文学奖。主要作品有《希尔维斯特·波纳尔的罪行》、《现代史话》（4卷）。《西滢闲话》中有《法朗士先生的真相》和《再谈法朗士》两文。据徐志摩说，陈氏的文章学法朗士“有根”。

4　不妨以他对鲁迅的评价为例。据他说：“鲁迅先生一下笔就想构陷人家的罪状。他不是减，就是加，不是断章取义，便捏造些事实。他是中国‘思想界的权威者’，轻易得罪不得的。”“他的文章，我看过了就放进了应该去的地方……”（1926年1月30日《晨报副刊》）“我觉得他的杂感，除了《热风》中二三篇外，实在没有一读的价值。”（1928年6月初版《西滢闲话》）

孙大雨

1　孙大雨（1905—1997）诗人、翻译家、莎士比亚研究专家。原名孙铭传，字守拙，号子潜，浙江诸暨人。在上海读初中时，即积极参加1919年的“六三”爱国运动，并编辑学生刊物《学生呼》。自1919年发表诗作，1922年考入清华学校高等科，与朱湘（子沅）、饶孟侃（子离）、杨世恩（子惠）合称“清华四子”。后来四人都加入了新月社，又称“新月四子”。1926年入美国新罕布什尔州的达特茅斯学院主修英文文学，1928年赴耶鲁大学研究院专攻英文文学。回国后，1930年至1957年，历任武汉大学、北京师范大学、北平大学女子文理学院、北京大学、国立青岛大学、浙江大学、暨南大学、中央政治学校、复旦大学等校教授。20世纪20年代，曾在《新月》上发表格律体新诗多首，在纽约时曾把孙过庭《书谱·序》译为英文，1935年发表在英文月刊《天下》上。新中国成立后，致力于英文文学教学、翻译及研究工作。他一生翻译有莎士比亚戏剧八部，数量不多，但质量颇高。他首先运用自己创建的音组理论翻译莎剧，以汉语音组对应莎剧原文的五音步抑扬格，力求导旨而传神。除莎译外，还有部分屈原诗英译，中国汉唐古诗英译和部分英文名诗汉译，分别收录在《屈原诗选英译》、《古诗文英译集》和《英诗选译集》等译作中。

2　温飞卿（?—866）唐诗人、词人。名庭筠，原名岐，字飞卿，太原人。文思敏捷，精于音律。仕途不得意，官止国子助教。其诗辞藻华丽，多写个人遭际，于时政亦有所反映。词多写闺情，风格秾艳。现存词六十余首，在唐词人中数量最多，大都收入《花间集》。因其相貌丑陋而被冠以诨号“温钟馗”。

3　贺铸（1052—1125）北宋词人。字方回，号庆湖遗老，卫州人。曾任泗州、太平州通判，晚年退居苏州。好以旧谱填新词而改易其调名，谓之“寓声”。其词风格多样，善于锤炼字句，又常运用古乐府及唐人诗句入词。内容多写闺情离思，也有嗟叹功名不就、纵酒狂放之作。又能诗文。其相貌丑陋，人称“鬼头”。

4　孙过庭（生卒年不详）唐书法家、书法理论家。字虔礼，以字行。官率府录事参军。工正、行、草，尤以草书擅名。宋米芾以为“凡唐草得二王法，无出其右”。今存其垂拱三年（公元687年）撰书的《书谱·卷上》（即《书谱·序》），阐述正草二体书法，见解精辟，为书文并茂的书法理论著作。

5　孙大雨所译《黎琊王》即莎士比亚的《李尔王》。

梁宗岱

1　梁宗岱（1903—1983）诗人、翻译家。字菩根，广东新会人。1921年加入文学研究会，1923年入岭南大学文科学习。1924年起先后在瑞士、法国、德国、意大利学习文学和语言。留法期间，结识了法国象征派诗歌大师保罗·瓦莱里，并将其诗作译成中文，寄回国内刊在《小说月报》上，使法国大诗人的精品首次与中国读者见面。1931年回国，先后在北京大学、清华大学、南开大学、重庆复旦大学任教。1945年与人合办广西西江学院。新中国成立后任中山大学、广州外语学院（现广东外语外贸大学）教授。其诗以间接暗示的手法歌咏爱情，表现心灵与自然的和谐，诗意幽深隽永。著有诗集《晚祷》、《诗钞1958—1962》、《芦笛风》，论文集《诗与真》、《诗与真二集》，译著《水仙辞》、《交错集》、《莎士比亚十四行诗》、《罗丹论》、《蒙田随笔》等。

2　嘉布遣会，正式名称为“嘉布遣小兄弟会”，是天主教方济各会的一支，1525年由马特奥创立。

3　尼爱拉，通常是古罗马诗人用来称呼情人的名字，在弥尔顿那首“伟大的短诗”《利西达斯》中就有此词。缘自维吉尔的《牧歌》第三首中仙女的名字。

4　即我们这个现实世界，前半句是希腊神话的说法，后半句是基督教《圣经·旧约》的典故，或出自弥尔顿的《失乐园》。

5　山道（Eugen Sandow，1867—1925）德国人，世界健美运动奠基者。系统地奠定了健美训练方法与审美标准。

6　朗费罗（Henry Wadsworth Longfellow，1807—1882）19世纪美国著名诗人。曾任哈佛大学近代语言教授。《人生颂》和《群星之光》是他广为传诵的两首诗，长篇叙事诗《伊凡吉林》使他声望日增，以芬兰史诗《卡勒瓦拉》为蓝本写出的《海华沙之歌》是他艺术性最高的作品之一。还曾翻译但丁的《神曲》。

7　丁尼生（Alfred Tennyson，1809—1892）英国诗人。重视诗的形式完美、音韵和谐、辞藻华丽。1850年被封为桂冠诗人。主要诗作有《夏洛蒂小姐》、《尤利西斯》、组诗《悼念》和《国王叙事诗》等。20世纪初，评论家认为他的不少诗矫揉造作、浅薄、华而不实，过去对他的评价过高。晚近，评价又趋公允，承认《尤利西斯》为不朽杰作，《悼念》是维多利亚时代的代表作。

8　请参考本书《吴宓先生，学者和君子》一文注释8。梁宗岱是瓦莱里的长诗《水仙辞》的译者，他的翻译曾受到作者的指点，译文也同样蒙眬、优美、动听。

9　拉辛（Jean Baptiste Racine，1639—1699）法国诗人、剧作家、法国古典主义悲剧代表作家之一。曾任路易十四宫廷史官。多利用古希腊、罗马历史传说，暴露宫廷贵族的腐败残暴。主要作品有诗剧《安德罗马克》、悲剧《爱丝苔尔》和《菲德拉》等。

10　帕斯卡（Blaise Pascal，1623—1662）法国数学家、物理学家、哲学家、散文家、概率论创立者之一。提出密闭流体能传递压力变化的帕斯卡定律，写有哲学著作《致外省人书》、《思想录》等，对法国散文发展有很大影响。

舒舍予

1　舒舍予（1899—1966）本名舒庆春，笔名老舍，字舍予，原姓舒舒觉罗氏，出生于北京贫苦的旗人家庭。一岁半丧父，襁褓之中的老舍家曾遭八国联军意大利军人劫掠，婴儿老舍因为一个倒扣在身上的箱子幸免于难。九岁得人资助始入私塾。1913年，考入京师第三中学，后因经济困难退学。同年考取公费的北京师范学校，1918年毕业。先后任京师公立第17高小兼国民学校校长、北京市北郊劝学员、天津南开中学教员、北京一中教员。在此期间，老舍深受五四运动影响。1921年起，在北京基督教伦敦会缸瓦市堂的英文夜校学习并参加宗教服务。1922年，受洗成为基督徒。1924年秋，赴英国，在伦敦大学任华语讲师，讲授中国官话和古典文学。阅读了大量英文作品，开始文学创作。1926年，在《小说月报》发表长篇《老张的哲学》。1929年夏，离英，途经新加坡并滞留半年，在华侨中学任教，创作以新加坡为背景的小说《小坡的生日》。1930年春，返回北京。先后任教于济南的齐鲁大学和青岛的山东大学。看到第一次国内革命战争失败后的国家状况，创作长篇《大明湖》。1936年写出《骆驼祥子》。1937年，“七七事变”后，离别家小奔赴国难。 1938年初，中华全国文艺界抗敌协会于武汉成立，被推为常务理事和总务部主任，以团结抗日为题材创作了大量作品，其中的代表作为《四世同堂》。1946年3月接受美国国务院邀请赴美讲学。在美国写完了《四世同堂》第三部及长篇《鼓书艺人》。1949年12月，应周恩来委托文艺界之邀回到北京。曾任政务院文教委委员、中国文联副主席、中国作协副主席、全国人大代表、政协全委会常委、北京市政府委员、北京市文联主席等职。自1950年起，老舍写了一些歌颂新中国的作品，以话剧《龙须沟》为代表。1956年到1957年，创作话剧《茶馆》，再次为老舍赢得国际声誉。1966年“文化大革命”运动期间遭受攻击和迫害。8月24日，老舍独自出走到北京城西北角外太平湖畔，当日深夜，自沉于太平湖，时年67岁。

2　老舍原话作：“可是我对这本小书仍然最满意，不是因为别的，是因为我深喜自己还未全失赤子之心——那时我已经三十多岁了。”（引自老舍《我怎样写〈小坡的生日〉》）

3　下文中的演讲内容据英文翻译，老舍演讲中文原稿见1934年12月15日《刁斗》第一卷第四期。

沈有乾先生

1　沈有乾（1899—?）心理学家、逻辑学家、统计学家。字公健，江苏吴县人。早年就读于北京清华学校，后赴美深造，获斯坦福大学博士学位。回国后先后在光华大学、浙江大学、暨南大学和复旦大学教授逻辑学、心理学和统计学。20世纪40年代再次赴美，曾任联合国秘书处考试与训练科长和纽约市立大学皇后学院教授等，并为中华职业教育社主持过研究部的工作。著有《心理学》、《教育统计学》、《论理学》、《现代逻辑》、《初级理则学纲要》、《实验设计与统计方法》等。他是20世纪中国心理学和逻辑学研究的先行者之一，对弗洛伊德的精神分析学说、怀特海和罗素的数理逻辑学说均有独到的见解。还曾致力于小品文与随笔写作，作品散见于《新月》、《论语》、《宇宙风》、《西风》、《西书精华》等刊物，“以题材广泛、文笔简练、充满机智和幽默著称”。还著有《西游记》。

2　阿德勒（Alfred Adler，1870—1937）奥地利精神病学家、心理学家。建立了个体心理学体系，设计了支持性心理治疗方法。个体心理学认为，人的主要动机是为至善而奋斗，也可变成为自尊而奋斗，从而成为对自卑感的过分补偿。著有《个体心理学实践与理论》、《神经症体质》、《理解人性》等。

3　狄摩西尼（Demosthenes，公元前384—前322）古希腊雄辩家、民主政治家。曾领导雅典人民进行近三十年的反对马其顿入侵的斗争，发表《斥腓力》等演说。他是克服了口吃、咬字不清等先天缺陷而掌握了雄辩术的。

4　《论语》，这里指的并不是那部儒家经典，而是一份文艺半月刊。1932年9月创刊于上海，林语堂、陶亢德、郁达夫、邵洵美等先后主编。1937年8月因抗日战争爆发而停刊。1946年12月复刊，至1949年5月停刊。先后共出177期。提倡“幽默”及“语录体”文学，发表抒写“性灵”的小品文、掌故丛谈等。

5　莱德–富兰克林夫人（Mrs. Christine Ladd-Franklin，1847—1930）美国心理学家、逻辑学家、数学家、物理学家、天文学家。以对“色视觉”理论作出的贡献闻名。早年研究逻辑学，曾通过介绍“反逻辑学”把三段法的推理变为一种“前后矛盾的三分法”。著有《逻辑代数学》、《色觉之性质》及《颜色基色论》等。

6　谢佛（Henry Maurice Sheffer，1882—1964）美国逻辑学家。数理逻辑学里的重要概念、逻辑算子“谢佛束”（Sheffer Stroke）就是出于他之手。罗素为《数学原理》以及维特根斯坦的《名理论》（即《逻辑哲学论》）写序时，也曾提到谢佛的这个贡献。

盛成先生

1　盛成（1899—1996）作家、翻译家，为中法文化交流作出卓越贡献。江苏仪征人。早年自上海震旦大学读法语预科，后曾到长辛店铁路见习所学习、当车务工人。1919年当选为长辛店京汉铁路工会十人团联合会会长，积极参加五四运动。不久，被派往上海参加全国各界联合会，旋赴法国勤工俭学，以高等理科硕士学位毕业于蒙彼利埃大学。后应邀到巴黎大学主讲中国科学课程，1928年加入法国文人协会。20世纪30年代初回国后历任北京大学、广西大学、中山大学、兰州大学教授，中华书局编辑等职。抗日战争初期，参加救亡运动，曾任上海市各界救亡协会国际宣传委员会总干事、武汉中华全国文艺界抗敌协会常务理事。通晓英、法、意大利语，并谙马来语。1979年到北京语言学院任教授。主要译作有巴尔扎克的《村教士》、刘鹗的《老残游记》（中译法）以及但丁、瓦莱里作品多种。著有法文作品《我的母亲》和法文诗集《秋心美人》等。

2　张继（1882—1947）原名溥，字溥泉，直隶沧县人。日本早稻田大学毕业。1905年加入同盟会。辛亥革命后任同盟会交际部主任、第一届国会参议院议长。1924年反对孙中山联俄、联共、扶助农工的政策，提出“弹劾共产党案”，参与西山会议派活动。1927年后任司法院副院长、立法院院长、国史馆馆长等职。著有《张溥泉先生全集》及《补编》。

3　指一·二八抗战，中国军队抗击侵华日军进犯上海的作战。1932年1月28日午夜，蓄谋侵占上海的日本帝国主义向闸北中国守军发动突然进攻。驻守上海的第十九路军奋起反抗。在中共领导下，各界人民积极支援前线。五万守军浴血奋战月余，使日军伤亡逾万，三易司令官，四次增兵，总兵力增至九万。国民党政府未继续增派援兵。3月1日，守军腹背受敌，被迫撤退。2日淞沪陷落，3日停火。后经英、美、法、意等国调停，5月5日国民党政府与日本签订了丧权辱国的《淞沪停战协定》。

4　马拉梅（Stéphane Mallarmé，1842—1898）法国诗人，象征派代表。追求在诗中表现“绝对世界”，对法国现代诗歌有深远影响。主要作品有诗篇《牧神午后》和诗剧片段《埃罗提亚德》等。

5　罗曼·罗兰（Romain Rolland，1866—1944）法国作家、社会活动家。坚持人道主义，反对侵略战争。获1915年诺贝尔文学奖。主要作品有小说《约翰·克利斯朵夫》、《母与子》，剧本《群狼》，传记《贝多芬传》等。

6　安德列·纪德（André Gide，1869—1951）法国作家。曾一度宣称信仰共产主义，作品多反映寻求自我与道德的矛盾。获1947年诺贝尔文学奖。主要作品有《蔑视道德的人》、《梵蒂冈的地窖》、《伪币制造者》等。

刘海粟和黎锦晖

1　刘海粟（1896—1994）画家、美术教育家。名槃，字季芳，江苏武进人。1912年创办中国第一所正规美术学校——上海图画美术院（后改名上海美术专科学校），任校长，率先在教学中实行人体模特写生和男女同校学习制度。创办专业杂志《美术》，倡导美术改革。1929年任法国巴黎格朗休克美术研究院研究员。1945年起继任上海美专校长。新中国成立后，历任华东艺术专科学校校长，南京艺术学院教授、院长，上海美术家协会名誉主席。擅长中国画、油画和书法，所作气势雄阔、笔墨酣畅，其黄山题材绘画富于力感，尤能显示艺术个性。有《黄山》、《海粟国画》、《海粟老人书画集》、《海粟黄山谈艺录》、《刘海粟画语》、《刘海粟艺术文选》、《海粟诗词选》等。

2　黎锦晖（1891—1967）歌舞艺术家、作曲家。字均荃，湖南湘潭人。学生时代广泛接触家乡民间音乐。1912年毕业于长沙高等师范学校。1916年起参加北京大学音乐团活动，1920年应中华书局聘，到上海编国语课本。后主持国语专修学校并主编《小朋友》周刊。为宣传国语和改革学校音乐教育，创作儿童歌舞剧12部和儿童歌舞表演曲24首，音乐选用民歌小调和戏曲曲牌等加以改编。代表作《小小画家》，讽刺陈旧迂腐的读经教育，艺术上有一定成就。1928年至1929年初，率中华歌舞团巡演于东南亚。又创办中华歌舞专科学校，组织明月歌舞团。1936年后在长沙、重庆等地从事抗战文化工作。曾出版抗战歌曲集《中华民族战歌》。新中国成立后在上海电影制片厂工作。

李石岑先生

1　李石岑（1892—1934）哲学家。原名邦藩，字石岑，湖南醴陵人。1912年东渡日本留学。1916年成立丙辰学社，后改名为中华学艺社。1918年与曾琦等在东京发起组织华瀛通讯社。1919年回国后任商务印书馆编辑，主办《民铎》。参加“五四”新文化运动，大量介绍西方哲学流派，并笃信柏格森的生命哲学。后受聘为大夏大学、光华大学、暨南大学哲学教授。1920年与张东荪陪同罗素到湖南讲学，倡言“人生哲学”，强调“我的人生观就是表现生命”（《人格之真诠》）。1927年赴法、英、德等国考察西方哲学。1930年归国后转而推崇“新唯物论”（即辩证唯物主义），指出“新唯物论”代表着哲学的新趋势，“为最正确的方法，因其能把握宇宙发展的全部”（《哲学概论》）。著有《人生哲学》、《中国哲学十讲》、《西洋哲学史》、《哲学概论》等。

2　柏拉图（Plato，公元前427—前347）古希腊哲学家。创办学园，提出理念论和灵魂不朽说，其哲学思想对西方唯心主义哲学的发展影响很大，著有三十多篇对话和书信。

3　苏格拉底（Socrates，公元前469—前399）古希腊哲学家。认为哲学在于认识自我、美德即知识，提出探求真理的助产术和辩证法。本人无著作，其学说仅见于学生柏拉图和色诺芬的著作。

4　格劳孔（Glaucon，约公元前445—?）柏拉图的兄长、苏格拉底的学生，《理想国》中苏格拉底的主要对话人之一。

5　卡萨诺瓦（Giovanni Jacopo Casanova，1725—1798）意大利冒险家、作家、浪荡公子。当过间谍和外交官，著有自传《我的生平》。“卡萨诺瓦”现在已经用作普通名词，意为“卡萨诺瓦式的人；喜欢在女人们中间厮混的男人；乱搞男女关系的男人”。

6　引自美国作家Edgar Saltus的Historia Amoris: A History of Love Ancient and Modern。

7　居约（Jean Marie Guyau，1854—1888）法国哲学家、美学家、伦理学家。哲学上受唯灵论影响，认为宇宙是已进化过程，生命的创造作用使宇宙从低级状态发展到高级状态，思想与行动均由生命创造所推动，而艺术与道德是生物过程（即生活）的最高表现。著有《一个哲学家的诗》、《当代美学问题》、《从社会学观点看艺术》、《略论既无义务亦无制裁的道德》等。

8　柏格森（Henri Bergson，1859—1941）法国哲学家。生命哲学和现代非理性主义的主要代表，宣称“生命冲动”就是“绵延”，它是唯一的实在，只能靠与理性相反的直觉来认识实在或“绵延”。获1927年诺贝尔文学奖。

9　斯宾诺莎（Baruch Spinoza，1632—1677）荷兰哲学家、唯理论的代表之一。从“实体”即自然界出发，提出“自因说”，认为只有通过理性认识才能得到可靠的知识。否定超自然的上帝存在，但是又把“实体”叫做“上帝”。著有《神学政治论》、《伦理学》等。

10　《查拉图斯特拉如是说》，尼采著，共四卷。以富有诗意的散文假托波斯圣者查拉图斯特拉（即琐罗亚斯德）向其信徒和各色人等传道以表达其宗教、哲学和伦理道德思想，包括“上帝之死”、“重估一切价值”、“超人”、“永恒轮回”以及非理性的直觉等内容。

程锡庚先生

1　程锡庚（1894—1939）字莲士，江苏镇江人。早岁赴英国伦敦大学留学。后赴法国，入巴黎大学法科。旋又赴美，入哥伦比亚大学从事研究。曾获经济学博士学位。巴黎和会期间以学者资格参加中国代表团。1921年任北京政府外交部条约研究会秘书，曾赴日内瓦国际联盟大会。1923年任财政部秘书、全国财政讨论会专门委员等。1928年派赴巴黎办理中法退还庚款案。1932年任财政部监务署编译处处长。1934年任外交部驻北平特派员。1937年加入北平伪中华民国临时政府。1939年4月在天津英租界被“抗日杀奸团”击毙。著有《现代中国政治研究》（英文）。

2　培根（Francis Bacon，1561—1626）英国哲学家、英语语言大师、英国唯物主义和实验科学的创始人。反对经院哲学，提出“知识就是力量”。著有《论科学的价值和发展》、《新工具》等。

3　据基督教《圣经》，亚当是人类的始祖。所谓“其他亚当子孙”，就是“其他人”。

4　普鲁士人以智慧理性、严谨守时、沉稳庄重著称。

附录

HAN FU-CHU, THE GOOD BULLY OF SHANTUNG

"If Machiavelli were to make a constitution for China, he would have to proceed differently. … He would assume that the militarists would always bully the civil authorities, but he would make this evil a blessing in disguise, by seeing to it that only good bullies (like Han Fu-chu) became militarists." —Wen Yuan-ning.

In the olden days, a mandarin beloved of the people was often deified and made an object of worship even while he was still living. Travellers to Shantung have brought back the tale that throughout the province, tablets with General Han Fu-chu's name inscribed on them are not infrequently seen on the altars of the temples formerly sacred to the memory of Kwang-ti (关帝)—the god of war—or Confucius. While people elsewhere in China are cursing the misrule of the warlords, those in Shantung are looking upon General Han as an emissary sent by Heaven to rule over them. What then is this man to deserve such respect and popularity?

To begin with, he is a true soldier. Unlike many other warlords, who were graduates of military colleges either here or abroad and who started their careers as commissioned officers, General Han rose from the ranks and is not ashamed of it. He began as a common soldier in the army of General Feng Yu-hsiang, whom he still regards as his superior officer. There is a story that when he was chief of the 6th Division of the Kuominchun Allied Army, he was one day slapped on the face by General Feng for something he said which was not exactly to the latter's liking. Another version of the story has it that he was not only slapped on the face, but even had to kneel down to beg Feng's forgiveness.

But, in spite of the fact that most of Feng's followers were avowed Christians, General Han has always been a staunch defender of the Confucian tradition. He has, for instance, made it compulsory for all school children to read the Four Books. Moreover, every year on the birthday of Confucius, he would go to Chu Fu (曲阜) and offer sacrifices before the image of the sage.

As follower of Confucius, he naturally subscribes to the doctrine of paternalism in politics. In the mandates which he occasionally issues, he would tell the people not only what they should do but also what they shouldn't do. Recently for instance he has forbidden women to curl their hair. Many young girls and concubines of the officials in Shantung were thus arrested and put to prison, and were not released until the General had ordered his bodyguards to have their curled locks shaved off.

As it might be expected, General Han is also a believer in the Confucian precept that government by superior men is better than government by law. In fact, General Han's words are law in the province of Shantung. When any subordinate of his is found to be guilty of "squeezing," he would order him to be shot without first having sent him to the court for a trial. One day, on one of his inspection tours to the country, he thought that he saw five shabbily dressed persons hiding under a tree. He immediately ordered his car to stop and told his bodyguards to have them shot at the spot. "But why should they be shot?"his bodyguards ventured. "Well," replied the General, "they look to me like bandits." Finally, however, his aid-de-camp suggested that perhaps he had better make sure first. Whereupon he did, and found out that the suspects were only a bunch of workers on the road; and when he saw them, they had just been sitting down under the tree to eat their lunch.

But let it not be inferred that General Han is in the habit of making wrong judgments. On the contrary, he is gifted with the extraordinary ability of seeing persons and things as they really are. The following, for instance, is what he said to a group of officials in Shantung: "You all think of yourselves as having great talents, therefore you refuse to listen to me. But let me tell you, I don't think that the whole bunch of you are worth two coppers. All you can do is to write official letters, to keep books, and above all, to squeeze the poor people. To tell you the truth, China does not really need 'talents' such as yours. The common people, although they haven't had your education, make much better citizens than all of you together."

Herein therefore lies the reason of General Han's popularity. He is a great lover of the common people.

Yih Chang-mung

[No. 1; Jan. 4, 1934]

DOLEFUL MEI LAN-FANG

What does it matter that Mei Lan-fang was born on October 22, 1894, and that some of his ancestors were brilliant ornaments of the Chinese stage? Readers of The Critic, I suspect, will regard with indifference the fact that the renowned Mei Lan-fang was once known as the "Foremost of the Pear Orchard" and that the ex-Emperor one time made him head of the Ching-Chung Monastery, both designations symbolizing his preeminence as an exponent of China's dramatic art.

Some of our readers may be mildly interested to know that Mei, with the assistance of scholarly friends, built up a library and museum of the Chinese drama from which he drew the inspiration that enabled him to contribute to the literature of the Chinese stage as a playwright. Everybody in China, and many people abroad, need not be reminded that Mei Lan-fang, as Hu Shih once described him, "is an artist with a most thorough training in the old dramatic arts of China," although some may be surprised to know that he is also a painter of considerable ability, and is more than slightly competent as a student of biology, entomology and some other practical and mechanical sciences.

All this hardly merits an article in this column at this time about a person who appears to be conspicuously inconspicuous in his own country whose people had acclaimed him and whose dramatic authorities had rhapsodized about his "expressive eyes," "mobile face," "interpretive smile," "supple waist" and "divine hands."

Four years ago this time Mei Lan-fang was on his way to the most brilliant achievement of his life, at least up to the present. He went to America and, as described by an American critic who witnessed Mei's first performance in New York, he reached "across a barrier of language,"besides (to the Americans) the alien conventions and dissonances of the Chinese stage—so far and so effectively that he became the ruling sensation of the American stage that season. American critics outdid their Chinese contemporaries in their boundless praise and appreciation.

Mei Lan-fang's acting was "beautiful as an old Chinese vase or tapestry," possessing "the strange ripeness of centuries." It was "as limpid as a forest pool." Every poem his Chinese admirers had composed to glorify his art was outdone by the American critics in delirious prose. For examples:

"He is a realization of perfection which is more rare and precious than anything a new world can produce. Our imaginations remain prostrate before its delicacy, grace and poetry."

"It is impossible to write of this man without superlatives, nor to look upon his work without a penetrating gratitude for the privilege of having seen him. He conveys more in the turn of a wrist, the swish of a sleeve or an arching of the eyes than do most of our foremost actors in a whole evening of the less subtle and more forthright performances."

"Anybody can realize the perfection, the delicacy, the emotional power of his pantomime. He is the most graceful man seen on the New York stage since Nijinsky was here last. His skill, tempo and agility are incomparable."

"One might run on for a column or two trying to convey to those who haven't seen Mei Lan-fang, his exotic and exciting charm."

And, we might ask, how many of his countrymen at home know so much about him? But it does not matter. Nor perhaps the fact that Mei Lan-fang is probably better and more affectionately remembered in the United States than any Chinese person who has ever visited that country.

Only recently a columnist for one of the leading newspapers of Los Angeles was in Shanghai. This is a part of what he sent back and was published in his column:

"If I came back to California without having seen Mei Lan-fang, I know I shouldn't be allowed to land. He is one of the most popular actors of any nationality who ever came to Los Angeles.

"I found him in an old hotel on Bubbling Well Road—very much depressed. He belongs in Peiping, which for 700 years has been the artistic center of the Orient. The Japanese cannon silenced its voice. And Mei Lan-fang came sadly away—to Shanghai, which is a great commercial city which favors cabaret girls rather than art.

"Mei Lan-fang said that he intended coming to the Chicago exposition this year, as the beginning of a great American tour. China's troubles stopped it. Now he doesn't know what he will do.

"George Bernard Shaw came to see him in Shanghai and encouraged him to make a tour of Europe; but that is off too, on account of the havoc in China.

"'I am not a politician,' he said sadly, 'so I don't know what is the matter with my unhappy country: but it makes my heart very sad.'"

There it is! Among all the personages whose names impinge upon the public mind in China, here is one who is not a politician, which accounts for his inability to know what is the matter with his unhappy country. His heart is sad, but he knows not what to do that might lessen the suffering of his people whom the politicians are so sure they can lead to peace and prosperity. Soon, Mei Lan-fang will come forth from his present retirement and again, as he has many times in the past, employ his art in benefit performances to succor the victims of war, famine and pestilence whom the politicians talk so much about helping while they themselves appear so helpless to prevent the creation of those victims.

E. K. Moy

[No. 3; Jan. 18, 1934]

LIN SHU-HWA, WOMAN NOVELIST

Perhaps in no other period in the history of Chinese literature did women play so important a part as they do at present. Since the New Culture Movement in 1919 women have offered their contribution to the foundation of contemporary Chinese literature. Today we have Misses Lin Shu-hwa, Ping-ching, Ting Lin, Lu-ying in short story writing; Misses Lin Hwei-ying and Fang Lin-yu in poetry; and Prof. Yuan Chang-yin in drama. These women writers, being intimate with the life of their own circle, reveal another aspect of society, which men may not perfectly understand. Here I choose to discuss Miss Lin Shu-hwa, because it seems to me she divines the life of womankind more than any other woman writer.

Miss Lin has already published two collections of her short stories, "The Flower Temple" and "Woman." In these twenty short stories, what strikes a reader most, I think, is that she chooses her materials from the feminine. Perhaps it is rather a lucky choice; of course, lucky for us to have found in her such a preference, since we might not otherwise understand women as we do now. Through her short stories we see different aspects of woman. "Miss Lee" portrays the melancholy of a middle-aged dean of girls in a secondary school, who has been persuaded to marry, yet refused. "It Is Said So" opens a secret, the love between two girl students, which is suggestive of homo-sexual love. "Laced Pillows"and "After the Tea Party" tell us the attitude or reflection of maidens to love-making, and once contemplated marriage. These are descriptions of women in their maidenhood. Descriptions of married women are also numerous. "After Feast" describes a married woman's conflict of passion and sense of duty to husband. "The Flower Temple" tells the story of a wife trying to test her husband's attitude to her by fun. To her husband she writes an anonymous letter in which she expresses her admiration of him and vaguely proposes a rendezvous with him in the Flower Temple. He goes there after deliberate consideration; to his great surprise the woman he meets is his wife. Here we see a touch of comedy in the story. "Consumption" delineates a dutiful wife who sacrifices her honesty in selling pictures of her imitation of some great painters in order that she can defray her husband's hospital expenses. "A Happy Old Woman"reveals the inner secret of a Chinese large family. The old woman has sons, daughters-in-law, grandsons, grand-daughters-in-law around her. They obey her and the family is under her control, yet there are jealousy and enmity under cover among them as once revealed on the anniversary of her eightieth birthday. In this story we see one of the ironies of life, of which Miss Lin bursts out without any conscious effort. Among her twenty stories it seems to me that "Miss Liu the Junior" and "Yang Ma"are the best. By "best" I mean the writer treats her subject with mastery of style and attains to perfection of art. Miss Liu the Junior, who was lively and intelligent, once led her classmates to expel her one married classmate by means of her piercing satire. Thirteen years afterwards she becomes the mother of several children. Her former liveliness has then entirely gone, and instead, only dullness of life and symptoms of ill-health appear on her once bright face. "Yang Ma" is the description of a good-natured mother whose son has deserted home to enlist in the army near the Mid-Autumn Festival. She profoundly loves her son and makes a new winter coat for him. Every month she asks for one day's leave of absence, and wanders in the streets under the delusion that she might thus find her son. Having overheard that her son might have gone to one frontier province, she suddenly leaves her master to pursue the futile search for him. Here in these two stories Miss Lin has attained such a perfection that the change of one word or the omission of one detail would ruin their life.

What arrests the reader's attention, I think, is Miss Lin's conception of woman. The main characters of her stories are women; or, if the main character is not a woman, the female character at least wields a great influence behind the scenes. Eighteen characters out of twenty are good women or blameless at least. Complicated and many-sided as feminine nature is, the truth of her conception may be questioned. Yet, if we refrain from inquiring into its truth and approach it from another side, it is very significant in contemporary Chinese literature. She differs from most contemporary writers in depicting the beauty of woman's spirit. Such a beauty gives us freshness and driving force. With this freshness we clear the dusty weariness of our journey; by this force we always happily resume our travel westward after short delays.

By Chien-Chao Fei (费鉴照)

[No. 26; Jun. 28, 1934]

LU TSO-FU (卢作孚)

After his extensive trip in Szechuan, Mr. Chang Kai-ngau in his authoritative and highly interesting statement to the press reveals to the outside world the Szechuanese characteristics of curiosity and eagerness in keeping up-to-date, — the signs of a progressive people, — and incidentally praises the spiritually-socially reformative movement set on foot by a group of pushing-forward type of men under the leadership of Mr. Lu Tso-fu. Besides being an embodiment of those two characteristics, Mr. Lu possesses that rare and remarkable combination of qualities which makes him a success in no matter what line he works. He is an excellent educator, the foremost industrialist and shipping man in Szechuan, a good mixer in society, an organizer of volunteer expeditions to Tibet, Kokonor, Lololand and other places bordering on Szechuan and the promotor of a museum, a scientific institute, schools and volunteer groups to defend his native district from being overrun by bandits. And the above-mentioned list by no means exhausts the whole range of his multifarious activities.

It requires volumes to record the many-sided interests and activities of the energetic Mr. Lu, but we shall confine ourselves to relating some of his more remarkable achievements in the shipping business. Entering into the shipping trade about nine years ago with a capital of eight thousand Chungking dollars which he invested in an inland river steam launch, he now commands a fleet of thirty river steamers with assets worth three million dollars. He does away with two deep-rooted and notorious elements in the shipping trade on the Yangtze, — the compradores and the tea-boys, — who infest the foreign steamers on the river so much that they have long been looked upon as necessary evils to shipping companies and scourges to the passengers. His efficiency in running his steamers is as popular with both consignees and passengers as it is much feared by competitive companies.

Significant as his success in handling shipping, his ten years' fight for social reforms is still more far-reaching in consequences. He antedated General Chiang Kai-shek by nine years in his starting a New Life Movement much more profound in ideology and not a little more practical in application than that of the famous General. Obscurity in position, inaccessibility in geographical surroundings and limitation in scope have not prevented Mr. Lu's attempt from being a success. They only succeeded in delaying for a considerable period of time that public recognition of his achievements which he thoroughly deserves. But eventually nothing succeeds like success. Pepei, originally a poor obscure village in the district of Pahsien, and the centre of Mr. Lu's activities, has been universally recognized as a model village. His simple living, his self-sacrificing devotion to duty and his unbounded enthusiasm in reforming deep-rooted social evils are an inspiration to thousands upon thousands of old men and youths, proletarian workers and feudal-minded gentry. Indeed, his influence is so much felt that in every corner of the wide province of Szechuan there are to be found people in masses who look upon him as the leader to lead them on the way to reconstruction, and happier and richer ways of living.

Magnetic and sincere in disposition, persuasive and convincing both in private talk and in public speaking, practising frugality almost to a fault and working more than fourteen hours or more daily, a profound thinker and facile writer, he possesses every qualification which any prospective leader of social reform would envy to have. Yet he prefers to influence his followers and compatriots by example rather than by words and by writings alone. He does not enjoy the privilege and benefits of a university education; but he has passed through a greater and more useful university, the university of society at large. His highly self-trained mind is wide-awake, ever ready to assimilate new ideas and adopt new methods to achieve his ends. We have no doubt but that his uplifting influence will be sure to make itself felt in China. It is indeed a thing of much interest to watch the unfolding of his career in future.

Chang Hsu-lin

[No. 28; Jul. 12, 1934]

吴宓（号雨生）

世上只有一个吴雨生，叫你一见不能忘。常有人得介绍一百次，而在第一百次，你还得介绍才认识，这种人面貌太平凡了，没有怪样没有个性，就是平平无奇一个面庞。但是雨生的脸倒是一种天生禀赋，恢奇的像一副讽刺画。脑袋形似一颗炸弹，而一样的有爆发性，面是瘦黄，胡须几有随时蔓延全局之势，但是每晨刮的整整齐齐，面容险峻，颧骨高起，两颊瘦削，一对眼睛亮晶晶的像两粒炙光的煤炭——这些都装在一个太长的脖子上及一副像枝铜棍那样结实的身材上。

头既昂起，背又挺直，雨生看来是有庄严气象。他对于自己的学问是有相当的抱负，而他的好友也视他为一位天真淳朴的人物。他为人慷慨豁达，乐为善事，每为人所误会。待人接物，每偏于忠厚，而对于外间之臧否也不能漠然。因此雨生的心灵永是不安的，不是在怅惘咨嗟，便是在发愤著作。他虽极崇拜哥德，但他却未达到哥德所称羡“不慌不辍”（ohne Hast, ohne Rast）的境地，这也如但丁吟着“Io fei giubbetto a me delle mie case”（我把我的厢房当做我的一架刑枷）一样的未能达到这种境地。

世上有一种人，永远不知所谓年少气盛是怎么一回事，雨生就是其中一个。虽然已年满四十，他看起来总在三十与百岁之间。他待人以宽，待己却甚严。是信儒道，立儒行的一个人。容貌非常端肃，对事非常认真，守己非常严正。但是仍不能令人望之生畏。

雨生现在清华大学西洋文学系当教授。此外曾主编《学衡》及《大公报文学副刊》，后者到最近才辞职。

雨生的教书，师道可谓无间然，只是在启迪后生的灵感有点缺憾。他照时上课，一秒不差；预备讲义，毫不敷衍。别人也许带了书本将要引用的一段文字念给学生听，雨生却无论那段文字怎样长，非先自背诵上口不可。他的阐扬发挥处是井井有条：甲、乙、丙、丁这样下去。有点干燥，是的，但总不会空疏。他不像另一种教员，说的天花乱坠，结果不知所云，

他所云的都有个内容，或有错误但断不空疏。他总不依违两可，他的是非非常坚确；换言之，就是不怕有固定的意见。关于记问的事实，尤其是那一类在百科全书及各种类书可以检得的事实，他百无一误。只在见解上面，我们可以抓到他的毛病。在这种地方，雨生露出他的弱点，但是这个弱点，病不在论理不明或者立意不诚，病在他人文主义的立场——而且是白璧德式的人文主义的立场。雨生不幸，坠入这白璧德人文主义的圈套。现在他一切的意见都染上这主义的色彩。伦理与艺术怎样也搅不清。你听他讲，常常莫名他是在演讲文学或是在演讲道德。

雨生办《学衡》，一切立论与胡适正正相反。《学衡》明明是大张旗帜以与白话文学反抗，而保守旧有生活的。反抗是失败了，但是其勇气毅力是可嘉的。他编《文学副刊》之勇气毅力也是一样的可嘉，他要叫中国读者注意西洋文学之史实，而不仅摭拾那文学的皮毛。史实、年月、数目，这是多么干燥乏味。现代人所要的是趋时喜新，随波逐流，摭拾这文学潮流上之泡沫草秽——Dowson、Baudelaire、Valéry、Virginia Woolf、Aldous Huxley等等。在现在时代，像雨生那样孜孜叫人研究Homer、Virgil、Dante、Milton雅典文学，就要遭人不齿。

悲哉雨生，你是那样孤芳自赏，不屈不移。更可悲者，是雨生对自身也没有了解。他立论上是人文主义者，雅典主义者；但是性癖上却是彻头彻底一个浪漫主义者。雨生为人坦白无伪，所以此点人人都已看出，只有他自己看不见。人家知道他是崇拜拜伦的，并且曾摹仿Childe Harold写过一篇中文长诗。这种矛盾，让别人看了不自在，他却处之泰然。

每回我想起雨生，就想起他的苦笑的容貌及他清华大学里净朴的书斋及那被他的窗幔摈出的外边一片风华浓丽的野景。也许是我自己在痴想，但我常疑心着，如果他肯拉开窗幔，凭眺那野景或是勿再矜持，放心怡情的赏那风华秾丽的一片野景，也许他生活上不至那样不安，而面容上也不至那样苦笑了。

——译自英文中国评论周报

林语堂　译

录自《今人志》专栏，《人间世》第2期，1934年4月20日

胡适之

适之绰号“胡大哥”并非偶然。梁漱溟多骨，胡适之多肉；梁漱溟庄严，胡适之豪迈；梁漱溟应入儒林，胡适之应入文苑。学者也好，文苑也好，但适之是决不能做隐士的。一人性格，大概难于分类，也大可不必分类。我想六分学者，四分才子，二分盎格罗撒逊留学生，约略可以尽之。也许加了三分学究气，减了三分才子气，适之的应酬可以少一点，学术著作可以丰富一点，但如此便少了一团蔼然可亲之气，而不成其为胡大哥了。这却何苦来！这一股才子气，又被他六分的学究气压下，所以若称之为“风流才子”也不甚适用，因为他的立身行世，也颇谨严，如对冬秀之始终如一，便可看出。然而适之对女子，又不是像漱溟、雨生那样一副面孔。在女子前献殷勤，打招呼，入其室，必致候夫人，这是许多学者所不会而是适之的特长。见女生衣薄，必下讲台为关课室窗户，这是适之的温柔处，但是也不超过盎格罗撒逊所谓“绅士”的范围。用这种体贴温柔于同辈及少辈，“胡大哥”之名便成了。

适之为人好交，又善尽主谊。近来他米粮库的住宅，在星期日早上，总算公开的了。无论谁，学生、共产青年、安福余孽、同乡商客、强盗乞丐都进得去，也都可满意归来。穷窘者，他肯解囊相助；狂狷者，他肯当面教训；求差者，他肯修书介绍；问学者，他肯指导门径；无聊不自量者，他也能随口谈谈几句俗话。到了夜阑人静时，才执笔做他的考证或写他的日记。但是因此，他遂善做上卷书。

今年似是四十四吧？气色虽然不甚红润，不像养尊处优的老爷，但也不像漱溟一般的瘦马相，只有一点青白气色，这大概是他焚膏继晷灯下用功之遗迹。衣服虽不讲究，也不故表名士气。一副相貌，倒可以令佳人倾心，天平是那么高，两眼是那么大，光耀照人，毫无阴险气，嘴唇丰满而常带着幽默的踪影。他的悟力极敏，你说上句他已懂到下句了。笑声不是像岂明的低微，是呵呵式的。

适之所以不能成为诗人就是这个缘故。在他呵呵笑的声中，及他坦白的眼光中，我们看不见他的魂灵深处。他不像志摩，不会有沉痛的悲哀，与热狂的情绪。在那眼光中，我们看出理智的光辉，那兀突不定的嘴唇，也老是闪过机智者会心的微笑。这样是不合做诗的。所以他的散文，也是清顺明畅，像一泓秋水一般，晶澈可爱，却很少波澜曲折，阐理则有余，

抒情则不足。人还是规矩人，所以文也老实。布风说过“文如其人”，正是此意。因此他的思想，也是近于厚重稳健，非近于犀利急进，他的观点是演化的（即所谓历史癖），非革命的（evolutionary, not revolutionary）。在此种地方，最可看出他盎格罗撒逊的素养。丁在君、胡适之都是这一派思想的好代表，于是“高等华人”的徽号便落在他的身上。在普罗作家，甚至在一切急进派作家眼光中，这种绅士气是极讨厌。但是，适之的态度，是极诚恳极负责的。这从他的刊物名称《努力》可以看出来的。他这种态度，使他常傻头傻脑作文章，见要人，向一般急进派所认为根本无望的官僚军阀作劝告，不免太不脱化。然而在这好人极少的中国中，我们不能不承认他是一位不甘自弃的好人，而发生爱惜甚至景仰之意。

适之写的英文，似比他的中文漂亮。

——改译英文中国评论周报

林语堂　译

录自《今人志》专栏，《人间世》第3期，1934年5月5日

“博雅双语名家名作”系列

第一辑

这个世界会好吗？

梁漱溟

（美）艾　恺

为什么研究中国建筑

梁思成

中国文明的开始

李　济

江村经济

费孝通

中国士绅

费孝通

中国经济改革发展之路

厉以宁

追寻失落的圆明园

汪荣祖

第二辑

实业计划

孙中山

安　阳

李　济

西　潮

蒋梦麟

为生活而教育

陶行知

不够知己

温源宁

乡土中国

费孝通

牛棚杂忆

季羡林

中国历史地理论集

侯仁之

系列策划：吴　浩

责任编辑：仲志兰　易　璐

装帧设计：

温源宁笔下的——

吴　宓：“吴宓先生，举世无双，见过一次，永生难忘。”

胡　适：“他有什么，就显示出什么；他是什么，就都在那儿了——在他的著作、他的谈吐、他的行为方式中。”

徐志摩：“死得富有诗意，活得像个孩子：神明还能给凡人安排出更好的命运吗？”

梁遇春：“没有一丝想要炫耀的念头，置身于人群之中，他总是力图避人耳目而隐身在笑容背后。”

周诒春：“他可以像个无可救药的悲观主义者那样对你说话，支持他实际活动的却是无畏的理想主义。”

黄庐隐：“她是一个为爱而生、为爱而死的女人。”

丁文江：“丁博士的长相和他的为人完全相符：个子略矮，身体敦实，外加一对透露着机敏和果断的眼睛；一撮八字胡似乎在说：多干实事、少说废话！”

辜鸿铭：“他有意卖弄自己的辫子，是他整个为人的特征。他脾气倔犟，以对抗为生。大众接受的，他拒绝；大众喜爱的，他厌恶；大众崇拜的，他鄙视。”

梁宗岱：“他确实并不相信上帝、进步和永生。但是他肯定相信的，是他自己，是人生之甜美、文学之怡情、女人之可爱。”

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